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| Yusuf Deyr. |
Friday, November 27, 2015
SOMALILAND: A Leadership with a Wounded Third Eye By Yusuf Deyr,
SOMALILAND: A Country Bullied out of its UN Membership By Ahmed Abdi Da’ar (daar@gmail.com)
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| Prof Ahmed Abdi Da'ar |
Thursday, November 19, 2015
“MA TAGO XAFLADAHA INTII AAN DHEGO BEELAY" By Prof, Maxamed Siciid Gees
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| Maxamed Siciid Gees. |
Monday, November 16, 2015
SOMALILAND SABOOLNIMADI WAXAY KAGA BIXI KARTAA 10 SANO OO KALIYA……By ENG MAXAMED XAASHI CILMI
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| Eng Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi. |
1.MUSUQ-MAASUQA:
MAXAY DAWADU TAHAY?
SHAQAALAHA GUUD IYO
PERCENTAGE GRADES-KA
| ||||
Grade
|
Number
|
Salary
Per Month
|
Total
Amount
|
Percentage
of Grade
|
A
|
2871
|
1,017,120
= $130
|
2,920,151,520
|
26.6
|
B
|
7481
|
829,920 = $106
|
6,208,631,520
|
57
|
C
?
|
1692
|
639,600 = $ 82
|
1,082,203,200
|
9.8
|
D
?
|
1980
|
374,400 = $ 48
|
741,312,000
|
6.6
|
TOTAL
|
14024
|
Exch.Rate
SLS 7.8
|
10,952,298,240
|
100
|
Dib u habeyn Maamulka Qaranka:
Wednesday, November 11, 2015
Bacaluul: SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES AND THE INCREASING GRADUAT...
Wednesday, November 4, 2015
KULMIYE PARTY WANTS TO TELL THAT IT IS NOT OVER YET! By: Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul.
It was not long before their deeds turned out to be different from their words. It was not even political drama, where whips of the ruling and opposition parties were showcasing their controversial positions over the newly-introduced changes to road taxation. But it was manipulative pretensions designed to squeeze the government into a narrow corner, forcing it to extend its hand under the table. As Somalis say, you cannot massage with dry palms, so the government was too smart to read the signs without words. After sorting things out with the defiant members, it succeeded in getting this tax-increasing bill through parliament.
The floor-crossing of parliamentary teams is not a surprise to the public, as it is to the Waddani party. They saw that their members could not stick together when the question of the road tax was reintroduced to the floor of the chamber. There is no fundamental ideological division or sense of conscience, so we should put up with the behavior of the political chameleons. Against all expectations another picture came into view as the orange colour faded quietly into the Kulmiye background.
Following that approval, the credibility of the representatives turned out to be nothing more than a fading perception. When their hot debate and critics on the increasing rate of road tax proved to be a hollow drama,
It is the dhameel time, when the yes of parliamentary members has a dollar value. It is what the noise and quarrels raging in the House of the Representatives are all about. I do not know whether Abdirahman Irro got jealous of the men who used to share the stage with him or whether putting the deputies on the audience floor was intended to be the first maneuver of his political experiment. If that is the case, he made a big mistake, because only fools start the action at home.
If the whole thing depends on changing the rules of the house, others can do it too. It is too early for Irro to celebrate. While Bashe and his friend want to tell the boss that the game is not over yet., previously defeated members are struggling to get back on their feet. Nothing will satisfy them until the chairman's badge is stripped off. In this regard, the Kulmiye party should help their colleagues step up to the podium..
On the other side, Wadani Party has voiced their apprehension about the prospects of the game. Their big fish is struggling for his political life as the water level is getting lower and the out-letting taps of the pool are switched to the hands of government-backed members. Responding to that threat, Mr. Buba, who thinks himself one of the most active figures in the orange shirts, is now making direct appeal to Silaanyo. With a soft tone, Mr. Buba has chosen the right words to persuade Kulmiye’s Khomeini to stop the backfire of his party. His message was direct,as he singled out Hirsi as the source of the trouble.
I am not sure whether Guurti got fed up with the noisy neighborhood or was afraid of being the victim of this epidemic. They did not show up when Abdirahman Irro was doing what he did to his chairmates. So they better stay away from this pointless hassle and let the other side finish what the Speaker started. They should let the rules decide the results instead of attempting to make compromises outside the formal system.
We, the people, have nothing to fear. Because we have nothing to do with the ongoing squabbles. No one is fighting for us or speaking about the problems we share as a society. With one voice, we should tell them to keep their troubles off the streets.
Monday, November 2, 2015
IS IT DEMOCRACY OR HYPOCRISY? By Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul (waddi 12@gmail.com)
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| Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. |
Yet, our present political reality tells a deeply troubling story. We continue to wander through the same exhausting political maze that we experienced when the UDUB Party dissolved into political irrelevance, or when fragments of the UCID Party desperately searched for new identities to pursue their ambitions. Despite these repeated institutional failures, society appears strangely willing to accept a political system that constantly contradicts the true spirit of our Constitution. As a result, the right to political participation has become little more than an empty phrase written in formal legal texts, while real political access remains confined to private rooms of influence—whether in Silanyo’s kitchen or in Faisal Ali Warabe’s guarded briefcase.
This is a country where it is no surprise for political parties to reflect the narrow interests of particular clans rather than the collective interests of the nation. Fragile coalitions are often formed not to serve citizens equally, but to secure political power and distribute its exclusive benefits among a privileged few. It is a place where the camera is deliberately held the wrong way just to make the image appear straight. If this sounds strange, it is because politics here often functions in reverse: selfish individuals, opportunistic leaders, and exploitative interests dominate the destiny of the silent majority under the false banner of clan loyalty and national statehood. Somaliland has become a place where people possess the formal right to vote, but not the genuine freedom of choice, and where political systems exist primarily to protect a comfortable and untouchable elite.
I live in a country where citizenship is too often reduced to primitive clanship, where individuals are judged less by personal responsibility and more by the protective shield of traditional guardianship. People are born into identities they did not choose and are expected to live as silent shadows of inherited loyalties rather than as free and independent citizens. The dark and heavy shape of ignorance looms over everyone like a permanent cloud. Society itself is drowning in a deep ocean of tribal illusion, while individuals struggle helplessly against powerful waves and dangerous currents that threaten to carry them toward an uncertain and unknown destination.
Those who argue that clan institutions are the solid foundation of Somaliland politics often hijack political discourse for narrow personal gain. It is true that clan structures once played an important and necessary role in rebuilding society after the painful collapse of state institutions. In the difficult post-war period, clans were the only remaining social structures capable of representing people and restoring basic order. However, they were meant to serve as a temporary bridge toward modern statehood, not the final destination of our national political journey.
Today, clans provide an easy and comfortable path for political opportunists who lack both the courage and the intellectual capacity for genuine political dialogue. Instead of building broad national visions capable of inspiring all citizens, many politicians retreat into shallow clan activism, speaking only to their immediate communities. Blood relations have become powerful political strategies for those who cannot develop persuasive ideas, strong public trust, or credible leadership that appeals to the full and diverse spectrum of Somaliland’s citizenship.
Recent events also show that our traditional, consensus-based methods of conflict resolution are becoming increasingly weak and ineffective. At the same time, the Constitutional Court is frequently used as an alternative forum for resolving deeply political disputes that are not truly legal in nature. Parliamentary conflicts have escalated to embarrassing and shameful levels, even reaching the point where the Speaker and his deputy physically fought before public cameras. Such disgraceful scenes reveal not democratic maturity, but dangerous institutional weakness and repeated political failure.
People are exhausted from dragging along a tired democracy that promises little beyond repetitive, fruitless, and outdated elections. A democracy that excludes the urgent social and economic concerns affecting ordinary citizens cannot honestly be called democracy. When political systems ignore justice, equality, dignity, and meaningful representation, democracy becomes nothing more than a polished hypocrisy disguised as national progress.
Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul
Thursday, September 24, 2015
KHUDBADII 18, May,1997-kii: HAMIGII CIGAAL IYO ARAGTIDIISII KU WAAJAHNAYD DHISMAHA QARANKA.
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| Madaxweyne Muxammed X.Ibraahim Cigaal. |
|
| Sawir; Gaadhigii loo yaqaanay Sahra Tuugo |
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