SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH. By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'aluul.

 

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH (Published November, 2018).

 By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. 

Exporting southern problems to the north will not be a solution for the war-torn population in Mogadisho and Kismayo. Being free from war businesses in Somalia, Farmajo’s presidency seems to be a glimpse of hope for those who learned about his appearance in Shekh Sharif's interim government. Because of his inexperience and untested personality, Farmajo seems to be unwise when he is tempted into Arb’s tug-of-war games. 

Farmajo’s tenure, was unwilling to attain its territorial claims through deadly military engagements.  Last month, It was evident that Farmajo was doing whatever he could to disturb Somaliland’s investment opportunity, in which Dubai and Ethiopia are expected to develop the infrastructure of Ber-bara port.  Farmajo was doing this to please his Qatari and Turkish patrons, disregarding the development of this investment will contribute to the region. He mobilized his Mogadisho Parliament to ridiculously outlaw the tripartite treaty, and ousted Jaware (Chairman of parliament) who appeared to be confused about the substance of that motion. Respectively, they never stopped to call the Security Council's attention to terminate the investment deal, and now, enough to sink the ship, Farmajo is building up armies and weapons in the name of Darodism along the border.

Before those manipulations, Puntland as a neighboring region had shared common things with Somaliland. Both administrations have developed cooperative policies in many respects, including security, commerce and social movement. The political stability and the resilience of Somaliland was a model for Puntland— which is the only region that succeeded in building up a functioning administration in Somalia. Like Somaliland, they defiantly decided to do business with the UAE, which was not in favour of the Federal Government. If we put it in Somaliland’s perspective, this was seen as a rightful choice; for Garoowe administration to develop its infrastructure in the same way that Mogadisho improved its air and seaports with Turkish investment. It is not right to interpret the military counteractions as antipathy towards those who live across the border, but if asked, Somalilanders will not hesitate to admit what the stability of Puntland's polity means to them, since it provides them a buffer against the stresses of the South.

What makes Sool and Sanaag a contentious issue was not the cross-bordering ideal of Darodism that we recently heard from Groowe.  These claims were not there before Abdillahi Yousuf. It is him who said that including Dhulbahante and Warsengali figures in Garowe conference was no more than a political maneuver aimed to disturb Somaliland's effort toward recognition. On the other hand, Somaliland had no interventionist policy, seeing that it had done nothing to interrupt the arrangements of Puntland's First Conference, whereas Mr Yousuf admitted in his Halgan and Hagardamo book  his involvement in conspiracy before the nascency of his Garowe bureaucracy.

It is good for Puntland's unskilled leader, and his colleague, Farmajo, to read the memoir of their Forefather (Abdillahi Yousuf) before they answer whether Tukaraq is a worth-fighting issue or not. Las-anod was left to itself to directly choose its local council, since Garoowe had failed to get its first elected Mayor.  The basic question that one should ask himsef is whether Abdulhakeem Amey of Puntland  is the true advocate for Sool people, or the 25 councilors whom they supported with their votes?

If Puntland claims Sool and Sanaag territories on the basis of its blood-relation logic; it should define its attitude towards the people with whom their relatives are coexisting with; are they cast from another planet? It is a shame for its administration to engage their peace-loving people in the uncertainty of a brand new, ethnic-related hostility. Somalilanders believe that people would be lucky, if they took advantage from their kinship with Puntland and citizenship in Somaliland at once. Nothing prevents them from being the brothers of one and the cousins of the other.

 The pastoral life of those regions does not need territorial restrictions and patrolling troops, but to live out the troubles of the urban classes.  So Puntland’s argument is nothing more than demagoguing Somaliland people with hatred. Previously, Abdillahi Yousuf had failed to adopt his Nazi-like pan-darodism advocacy, when the lower juba Marehans of Kismayo refused to be-dictated from Graroowe, and chose a non-clan-related alliance with another group (Hawiye, eyr). In this regard, only Harti communities will neither be logical nor empirical strategy, since there is no well-defined social topography that demarcates Harti-clans from their neighboring clans.

Whatever their clans,  Sool and Sanaag populations are interwoven in society. They are ecologically compelled to live side by side, despite their lineage diversity. The socio-economic structure of this area is non-urbanized, sparsely populated, where the lives of its communities depend on sharing pasture and water. So the dissidence of the Diaspora and certain office-holders in Garowe is not serving for the interest of their pastoral communities.

Yes, there are many things that are wrong in the make-up of Somaliland’s political structure. And I believe that wrongs cannot be righted by those who hang-out in Garoowe, but by those with whom the life and the development of their constituency is concerned. Although Somaliland is not a politically repressive or restricted environment, it has to do more to demonstrate its willingness to actually respond to the political grievances of Sool and Sanaag people. 

There should be more openness and flexibility from the part of the government, whenever the question of what the future of Somaliland's statehood holds for non-isaks, is on the table. Thanks to intellectuals like Ali Khalif, Ahmed Samatar and Hagle-tosiye, who shared the conviction that says 'Sool and Awdal should not treat themselves as the guests that wait to be served, rather standing in the ‘heat of the kitchen'

SHARCIGU MIYUU DAALIN UMMADEED QARIYAA?

"Ma sheegi karno ganacsatada aanu ku qabanno se keena alaabo dhacay ama bilaa tayo ah,..... Xeerbaa noo diidiya". Sidaa waxa yidhi masuul kamida saaraakiisha hay'adda Tayada ee Sonalilanf mar lagu Waraysanayay TV-ga ee MMTV.

In hal shakhsi oo macaash-doon ah, oo u badheedhay in uu halis galiyo bulshadeena oo dhan la dhawro danihiisa gaarka ah, ma waxa ay ka weyntahay tan guud ee ay dawladnimadu u joogto ilaalinteeda? 

     Qofka qof dila ayaaba magiciisa oo saddexan la baahiyaaye, oo la sheegaa in la qabtay, la dabajoogo ama la xikumaye, sidee ayay suurtogal u tahay in la yidhaahdo ha loo qariyo bulshada, mid sida ay u dhantahay ugu talogalay inuu wada sumeeyo, xoogaaga ay haystaana uu been kaga furto? 

     Hadda kuwaasi waa cadaw ama dulin dadka ku dul nool dhiiggooga iyo dhididkooga oo dawo uga dhigaya waxaanay ku dawobayn,  oo fursad u siinaya in uu cudur-keenihii (germs) uu kusii baaho marba marka ka danbaysa illaa oo uu gaadho heer aan lala tacaali karin. Midda kale sharcigu ma waxa uu ilaaliyaa cidda ku xadgudubta ee iyadu dhawri weyda, misa dhibanaha?

    Weynu ognahay in aanu sharci ilaalin khatar u baahan in la iska jiro halista lafteeda iyo cidda wadda ee ka tallaabsata xeeraka dhawra Bedqabka. Ciqaabaha sharci ee daImbiyada ay halistoodu saameyn guud leedahayna ee ka dhasha ku xadgudubka heerarka u yaalla dhawrista bedqabku maba yeelato masuuliyadoodu wax cudurdaar ah (kas-dhaaf, iwm) oo waxa la yidhaahdaa masuuliyaddaasi ka dhalataa waa mid culus ama waxa afka sharci loogu yeedhaa dambiyada ay masuuliyaddoodu culus tahay, "Strict liability offences".  

  Tusaale ahaan qofka gaadhi bilaa biriiga ah suuqa uu soo kaxaysta ee jidka lagu qabto, laguna caddeeyo, sharcigu uma eego in uu shil ku galay ama waxyeello sababay iyo in kale, sidoo kale kama dhegaysto haddii uu ku doodo "kamaan warqabin xaaladda gaadhiga", se sidiisaa ayaa dambigaas loogu qaadaa. Waxyeellada uu sababay haddii ay jirtana, wey kusii culaysisaa uun ciqaabta, ee ma aha mid dambi-falista go'aamisa. Sababta loo adkeeyayna way caddahay oo waxa la ilaalinayaa xilka qof iyo wadar ahaanba inaga saaran Ilaalinta Bedqabka Guud ee dadweynaha (Public safety and well-being).

   Nasiib darradu se waxa ay tahay, masuulkan si cad umuu sheegin illaa imika xeerkaas ilaalinaya kuwa noocaas ah ee ka shaqeynaya in la qariyo daalin haddi la iska ogaan lahaa laga waaqsan lahaa waxyeellada iyo dhagarta uu ku hayo ummadda.

  Qormadani waa falcelin (feedback,) wareysigaa ka dambeeyay markaan daawaday.

By Mohamed Ahmed Cabdi Ba'aluul
 

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA?

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA? 

  Si aad u fahamto muuqaalka guud (Political lay-out) iyo loolanka Siyaasadeed Maraykanka waa in aad fahamtaa arrimaha muhiimka ahee ay ku kala aragtida duwanyihiin labada Xisbi ee talada guud ee carrigaasi u tartama. Arrimahaasina  waxa ka mida: aragtiyaha falsafadeed, Dhaqaale (nidaamka cashuuraha iyo suuqa), Xukunka dilka ah, maamulka guud ee dawladnimada, daryeelka caafimaad (Health care),  Soo-galaytiga (immigration).

    Haddi aynu ku horayno kala-duwanaanshaha falsafadeed ee labada xisbi, oo ah kan saameynta ugu weyn ku leh masalooyinka siyaasadeed ee kale. Xisbiga dimuqraadigu aragti ahaan waa mid liberaali ah oo janjeedha dhinaca bidix. Liberaaliyadu waa aragti isbadal oo xoogeysatay qarniyadii dhexe, waxaana sal u ah fikradda odhanaysa "qofkastaaba isagaa is leh". Taas oo macnaheedu tahay qofna kuma qasbana in uu sida uu u noolaanayo uu ku raali galiyo cid kale oo aan naftiisa ahayn, sidoo kalana aanay  bulshada inteeda kale xaq u lahayn in ay u yeedhiso rabitaankooda. Walaw ay liberaaliyiintu ay sii kala xagjirsanyihiin, waxa ay kasoo horjeedaan mudnaan siinta aragtiyaha iyo xeerarka asal raaca ah ee ku sal ka leh dhaqanka bulshada oo ay diintu qeyb ka tahay. Waxaanay taas badalkeeda aaminsanyihiin in ay xeerarku dawladu noqdaan kuwa u shaqeeya sida taraafikada, oo meelaha ay is-duqeynta (rabitaanadu) ka dhici karaan uun jooga, inta kalana cida waliba ay xor u ahaato jihada ay u soconayso. Waana sababta aanu xisbigani mudnaan u siinin xeerarkii bulsho ee bud-dhiga u ahaa qoysnimada iyo xidhiidhada galmo (sida la isku gayo), iwm. 

   Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi waxyaabahaasi liddigooda ayuu qabaa. Mabda' ahaan waa  qunyar-socod (conservative) oo waxa ay xoogga saaraan in la dhawro waxyaabihii soo-jireenka ahaa ee heer qoys illaa bulsho dadku ka soo mideysnaayeen. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu qofku yahay qurub ka mida bulshada uu ku dhex noolyahay oo aanu illaa xad ka hor iman karin dhaqanka iyo caqiidada loo badanyahay, maadaama oo ay yihiin dabarka ugu adag ee isku haya xubnaha bulshada. Dawladnimadu ay waajib ku tahay in ay ilaaliso waxyaabahaasi bulshadu qiimayso sidoo kalana ay isku qiimeyso. Waxaanay ku adagyihiin arrimaha qoyska, tafiir badinta, diinta, iwm, iyaga oo intooda xagjirka ahi ay kasoo horjeedaan cid kasta oo ay u tuhmayaan in ay lasoo galayso habdhaqano kale oo qalaad. 

     Dhaqaalaha iyo sida loo maareynayo ayaa isna ah arrimaha lagu kala tagsanyahay. Xisbiga Dimuqaadigu waxa ay xoojiyaan aragtida odhanaysa "dhaqaale xor ah, oo dusha lagala socdo". Waxa ay leeyihiin waa in ay dawladdu la timaadaa siyaasado guud oo ay ku nidaamiso dhaqaalaha, sida in la cayimo ama  kor loo qaado xaddiga mushqaayadeed ee ugu hooseeya ee qofku ku shaqeyn karo saacadii (minimum wage), in xaddiga lagu salaynayo saamiga cashuureed ee ay bulshadu ku soo celinayso danaha guud uu u kala badnaado sida loo kala kiishad weyn yahay (progressive tax). In ay dawladdu isha ku hayso suuqa, kana warhayso bulshada inteeda badan ee wax laga iibinayo ee isticmaasha badeecadaha iyo adeegyada (consumer's protection), in aanay ganacsatada waaweyn ee gacanta ku haysa awoodda wax-soosaar u heshiinin sidii ay caqabadu u hordhigi lahaayeen ganacsatada dhexe ee soo koraysa iyo dabaqada dhexe ee xirfadlayda ah, sidaa aawadeedna la kala xaddido, si ay intii isku heer ahi ay goonidooda ugu tartamaan, dhaqaaluhuna u baaho.

  Qolada kale ee Jamhuurigu xagga cashuuraha, waxa ay taagantihiin aragtida odhanaysa waa in xaddi siman lagu saleeyaa cashuurta ku waajibta muwaadiniinta (fixed tax) oo aan xaddigaasi cashuureed lagu salaynin hadba inta uu yahay dakhliga uu qofku helo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu suuqu xor ahaado oo ay fursadaha iyo tayadu jaangooyaan qiimaha wax lagu kala qaadanayo; haddii ay yihiin badeecado la iibinayo iyo haddii ay yihiin saacado shaqo oo la kala iibsanayo. Dawladduna aanay far-farayn ama xakamaynin nidaamka ganacsi ee sida dabiiciga ah tartanka ugu jira  tayo ahaan iyo tiro ahaan. 

 Ciqaabta dilka ah ee Garsoorku xukumo ayaa ka mid arrimaha ay doodaha ugu kulul ay ka taaganyihiin. Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga ah, waxa ay shaki badan ka qabaan wax-tarkiisa marka ay noqoto sida dambiyadaasi wax looga qabanayo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in aanay ciqaabtani ahayn mid  lagaga waantoobo faldambiyeedyada ciqaabtoodu dilka tahay, iyada oo uu Federaalku ay si joogta ah u fuliyo sannad walba. Daraasad la sameeyay sanadadii u dambeeyay ayaa sheegaysa in 50% xisbiga dimuqraadiga ee Maraykanku ay qabaan in la laalo ciqaabta dilka. Halka uu 80% xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi ay taageersanyihiin sharci ahaan fulinta dilka una arkaan in ay jiraan sababo maangal ah oo ka dhigaya sharcigani lagama maarmaan. Waxa jira qolooyin kale oo aan labada xisbitoona ahayn (independents) oo iyagu shaki ka weyn qaba maamul ahaan nidaamka caddaaladeed ee ciqaabta dalka (Dambi-baadhista,  X/ilaalinta iyo Maxkamadaha).  Waxaanay ku doodayaan in marka la eego sida uu shaqeeyo nidaamku ay aad u badan karto suurtogalnimada qof dambi laawe ah, tuhun aan la hubsan daraadeed dil loogu xukumi karo looguna fulin karo. 

 Dadka kusoo qulqulaya maraykanka ee aan kasoo tallaabin surimada sharciga ah ee dalka laga soo galo ayay tiradoodu kor u kacaysaa muddooyinkan dambe. Dhibaatada dhaqaale iyo amni ee tahriibtani ku hayso Maraykanka, gaar ahaan gobollada ee koonfurta xiga ayay labada xisbiba isla qirsanyihiin, waxa ay se ku kala duwanyihiin qaabka loo sugayo xadadka ama loo mustaafurinayo dadka sharci la'aanta ama dokumanti la'anta ku dhex jooga dalka.  Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ah waxa ay qabaan in dalka laga saaro oo cid kasta oo dokumanti sharci ah haysan, lana adkeeyo ilaalinta xadka Miksiko iyo u dhexeeya USA. Halka ay Xisbiga Dimuqraadigu leeyihiin ha loo maro nidaam sharci iyo garsoor oo lagu kala haadinayo soo-galaytiga. Waxa ay ku doodayaan waa in la kale reebo soo-galaytiga dib looga celinayo dalka, sida kuwa shantii sanno u dambeeyay joogay ee ahaa cashuurbixiyayaal shaqeysta, dambina aan galin iyo kuwa carruur ahaan ku soo galay, ama la nool xubno kale oo qoyskooda ah oo ay ku tiirsanyihiin.

    Guntii iyo gabagabadii, marka laga yimaado meelaahaas uu ololaha siyaasadeed labada xisbi ku kala duwanyahay, waxa xusid mudan in tiro lagu qiyaaso 38% oo ka mid ah codbixiyayaasha Maraykanku ay qiraan in ay  ka madaxbannaanyihiin labada xisbi, balse ay kolba kii ay ku qancaan doodiisa iyo kartida musharixiisa ay u codeeyaan.

          (Dhammaad)

       By  Mohammed Ahmed Cabi Bacaluul