Bacaluul: SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES AND THE INCREASING GRADUAT...

Bacaluul: SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES AND THE INCREASING GRADUAT...: SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES AND THE INCREASING GRADUATE UNEMPLOYMENT. By Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’aluul ( waddi12@gmail .com) Mohamed Ahm...

KULMIYE PARTY WANTS TO TELL THAT IT IS NOT OVER YET! By: Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul.

KULMIYE PARTY WANTS TO TELL THAT IT IS NOT OVER YET!

By:  Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul.

(Published on 9th Feb 2014)

It was not long before their deeds turned out to be different from their words. It was not even political drama, where whips of the ruling and opposition parties were showcasing their controversial positions over the newly-introduced changes to road taxation. But it was manipulative pretensions designed to squeeze the government into a narrow corner, forcing it to extend its hand under the table. As Somalis say, you cannot massage with dry palms, so the government was too smart to read the signs without words. After sorting things out with the defiant members, it succeeded in getting this tax-increasing bill through parliament.

The floor-crossing of parliamentary teams is not a surprise to the public, as it is to the Waddani party. They saw that their members could not stick together when the question of the road tax was reintroduced to the floor of the chamber. There is no fundamental ideological division or sense of conscience, so we should put up with the behavior of the political chameleons. Against all expectations another picture came into view as the orange colour faded quietly into the Kulmiye background.

Following that approval, the credibility of the representatives turned out to be nothing more than a fading perception. When their hot debate and critics on the increasing rate of road tax proved to be a hollow drama,

It is the dhameel time, when the yes of parliamentary members has a dollar value. It is what the noise and quarrels raging in the House of the Representatives are all about. I do not know whether Abdirahman Irro got jealous of the men who used to share the stage with him or whether putting the deputies on the audience floor was intended to be the first maneuver of his political experiment. If that is the case, he made a big mistake, because only fools start the action at home.

If the whole thing depends on changing the rules of the house, others can do it too. It is too early for Irro to celebrate. While Bashe and his friend want to tell the boss that the game is not over yet., previously defeated members are struggling to get back on their feet. Nothing will satisfy them until the chairman's badge is stripped off. In this regard, the Kulmiye party should help their colleagues step up to the podium..

On the other side, Wadani Party has voiced their apprehension about the prospects of the game. Their big fish is struggling for his political life as the water level is getting lower and the out-letting taps of the pool are switched to the hands of government-backed members. Responding to that threat, Mr. Buba, who thinks himself one of the most active figures in the orange shirts, is now making direct appeal to Silaanyo. With a soft tone, Mr. Buba has chosen the right words to persuade Kulmiye’s Khomeini to stop the backfire of his party. His message was direct,as he singled out Hirsi as the source of the trouble.

I am not sure whether Guurti got fed up with the noisy neighborhood or was afraid of being the victim of this epidemic. They did not show up when Abdirahman Irro was doing what he did to his chairmates. So they better stay away from this pointless hassle and let the other side finish what the Speaker started. They should let the rules decide the results instead of attempting to make compromises outside the formal system.

We, the people, have nothing to fear. Because we have nothing to do with the ongoing squabbles. No one is fighting for us or speaking about the problems we share as a society. With one voice, we should tell them to keep their troubles off the streets.

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (waddi12@gmail.com)

IS IT DEMOCRACY OR HYPOCRISY? By Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul (waddi 12@gmail.com)

IS IT DEMOCRACY OR HYPOCRISY?

                             By Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul (waddi 12@gmail.com)

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. 

In democratic politics, political parties are meant to serve as the primary gateway for citizens who seek meaningful participation in public affairs. Political participation should never be treated as a personal gift from Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo, Faisal Ali Warabe, or any other powerful party owner whose name may be mentioned. It is a fundamental constitutional right that belongs equally to every ordinary citizen, not a selective privilege granted by self-serving political elites.

Yet, our present political reality tells a deeply troubling story. We continue to wander through the same exhausting political maze that we experienced when the UDUB Party dissolved into political irrelevance, or when fragments of the UCID Party desperately searched for new identities to pursue their ambitions. Despite these repeated institutional failures, society appears strangely willing to accept a political system that constantly contradicts the true spirit of our Constitution. As a result, the right to political participation has become little more than an empty phrase written in formal legal texts, while real political access remains confined to private rooms of influence—whether in Silanyo’s kitchen or in Faisal Ali Warabe’s guarded briefcase.

This is a country where it is no surprise for political parties to reflect the narrow interests of particular clans rather than the collective interests of the nation. Fragile coalitions are often formed not to serve citizens equally, but to secure political power and distribute its exclusive benefits among a privileged few. It is a place where the camera is deliberately held the wrong way just to make the image appear straight. If this sounds strange, it is because politics here often functions in reverse: selfish individuals, opportunistic leaders, and exploitative interests dominate the destiny of the silent majority under the false banner of clan loyalty and national statehood. Somaliland has become a place where people possess the formal right to vote, but not the genuine freedom of choice, and where political systems exist primarily to protect a comfortable and untouchable elite.

I live in a country where citizenship is too often reduced to primitive clanship, where individuals are judged less by personal responsibility and more by the protective shield of traditional guardianship. People are born into identities they did not choose and are expected to live as silent shadows of inherited loyalties rather than as free and independent citizens. The dark and heavy shape of ignorance looms over everyone like a permanent cloud. Society itself is drowning in a deep ocean of tribal illusion, while individuals struggle helplessly against powerful waves and dangerous currents that threaten to carry them toward an uncertain and unknown destination.

Those who argue that clan institutions are the solid foundation of Somaliland politics often hijack political discourse for narrow personal gain. It is true that clan structures once played an important and necessary role in rebuilding society after the painful collapse of state institutions. In the difficult post-war period, clans were the only remaining social structures capable of representing people and restoring basic order. However, they were meant to serve as a temporary bridge toward modern statehood, not the final destination of our national political journey.

Today, clans provide an easy and comfortable path for political opportunists who lack both the courage and the intellectual capacity for genuine political dialogue. Instead of building broad national visions capable of inspiring all citizens, many politicians retreat into shallow clan activism, speaking only to their immediate communities. Blood relations have become powerful political strategies for those who cannot develop persuasive ideas, strong public trust, or credible leadership that appeals to the full and diverse spectrum of Somaliland’s citizenship.

Recent events also show that our traditional, consensus-based methods of conflict resolution are becoming increasingly weak and ineffective. At the same time, the Constitutional Court is frequently used as an alternative forum for resolving deeply political disputes that are not truly legal in nature. Parliamentary conflicts have escalated to embarrassing and shameful levels, even reaching the point where the Speaker and his deputy physically fought before public cameras. Such disgraceful scenes reveal not democratic maturity, but dangerous institutional weakness and repeated political failure.

People are exhausted from dragging along a tired democracy that promises little beyond repetitive, fruitless, and outdated elections. A democracy that excludes the urgent social and economic concerns affecting ordinary citizens cannot honestly be called democracy. When political systems ignore justice, equality, dignity, and meaningful representation, democracy becomes nothing more than a polished hypocrisy disguised as national progress.

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Waddi12@gmail.com

KHUDBADII 18, May,1997-kii: HAMIGII CIGAAL IYO ARAGTIDIISII KU WAAJAHNAYD DHISMAHA QARANKA.

Madaxweyne Muxammed X.Ibraahim Cigaal. 

"Allahu Akbar !

Allahu Akbar !

Waxaan idiin leeyahay Kulligiin, yar iyo weyn asalaamu calaykum !

Alxamdu lillaahi Rabil Caalamiin… waxa I dhaqaajiyay, halkan baabuurtii inagga dhaaftay waxa ku jiray baabuur la odhan jiray Sahra Tuugo. Habeenna kuma seexan, Sahra ayaa halkan Salaantaada usoo mari doonta. Wax Ilaahay loogu shukri naqaa weeyi, iyaduna iyo kuwa wadaana, maantay sharaf leeyihiin. Inagguna lib weyn, ayay maanta inoo tahay, in, aynu inagoon kala adkaanine walaalo ah, aynu isugu nimid kulligeen  sannad guuradeenii lixaad inagoo is beer-xaadhanay, oo walaalo ah, oo aan buqdi iyo cadho iyo ciil isku qabin,  inaynu maanta halkan ku wada fantisiyaynayno, waxay ila tahay lib weynbay inoo tahay,  dadka in yarbay ka suurogashaa, Qaramada in yarbay, ka suurogashaa. Kuwa xabadda isla dhacayaa, waxay kala haystaan ma jiro. Wixii ina kala gaadhay, wax ka yarbaa kala gaadhay. Caqli iyo Cilmi iyo aqoon ay ku yidhaahdaan, waar maxaynu isku dilaynaa?, Maxaynu kala haysanaa ?

Intaynu is nidhi, ayuunbaa Ilaahay ku ilhaamin waayay mooyaane, waxa ay ku kala maqanyihiin ma ay jirto. Waa mid Ilaahay loogu shukriyo.

 Alxamdu lillaahi Rabil Caalamin !

 

Sawir; Gaadhigii loo yaqaanay Sahra Tuugo

Waxaan leeyahay maanta, tan maanta idinku wada taagan ee aad xogtiisa wada xiisanaysaan ayaa, ay guurtidu ii keentay liistadii labadii gole,aniguna waxaan ku amray xog-hayntaa, inay  labada gole iskugu yeedheen fadhigoodii ugu horreeyay maalinta arbacada, oo aynu ku dhaarin doono, wixii dambe sida uu distoorku kolba u qoro ayaa tallaabooyinkii loo kala qaadayaa.

waxaynu maanta galnay axdi cusub, aaniguna waxaan leeyahay, wixii aan  kasii taab-taabtay mooyee wixii aad iga sugayseen, in aanay sabtida amma axadda igu dhaafin oo aan soo dhammeyn doono. Horta waxaynu hadda galnay cahdi cusub, oo u baahan in aynu ku baraarugno, oo shaydaankaa,  kool-kooliya xumaantee, sidii aynu ficilkii hore ugu dadaali jirnay, ee aynu ugu fir-fircoonayn, waa mid maanta inooga baahan inaynu isna u fir-fircoonaano oo, danteenniiya, oo horumarkeeniiya, oo dal-dhiskiiya, oo dad-dhiskiiya.

In dawladnimadii la taago oo doorashadii dhacday bishii dhawayd bilaw u tahay, shantaas sanno ee arrinkaasi dhisnaanayo, waxa weeyaan sidii aynu asaaska Somaliland ugu dhigi lahayn. wuxuu yidhi nabigu calayhi Salaati wa salaam nin waliba ragannimaddii uu lahaa jaahilayadii, ayuunbuu Islaamkan lasoo galay ayuu yidhi...nin la badalay ma jiro. Raggiinii waxaan markaas filayaa, in intii fir-fircoonaan loo lahaa ficilkii dhexdeenna ahaa ee xumaa, ee khasaare uu keenay mooyee, wax faaido ah oo ka yimid aanu jirin, in fir-fircoonidii mid leeg loogu  socdo, oo loogu hawlgalo dhismaha iyo asaaska aynu u dhigayno caruurteena, mustaqbalkeena, iyo taariikhdeenna.

Waxaan anigu had iyo jeer jecelahay, in nin wax dhisa, oo qawmiyad iyo qaran abuura, nabigeennii suubanna ayaa ugu qiimo waynaa uguna qaayo waynaa, waa in aynu kaga dayanno sidii uu wax u dhisay. Cahdigiiaynu soo dhaafnay, waxaan ku tilmaami jiray  cahdigii uu Nabigu odhan jiray "Al mu'allafatu beyna quluubihim".

Dhawr jeerbuu Ilaahay ku canaantay.......qofba, ninkii fudud iyo inta cadhoonaysa iyo inta aan  wali diintii qaadan ayuu soo dhawayn jiray.

 Dhawr jeer ayuu Ilaahay ku canaantay nabigiisa, oo uu ku yidhi suuratul  Kahf  "asbir nafsaka macalladiina...yadcuuna rabbahum bil Qhadati wal cashiyi. walaa tacdu caynaaka canhum, turiidu ziinatul xayaati dunyaa...." kuwa cadhoonaya,  waxba isha ha ku gubine, kuwan aad isha ka lalinayso ee ilaahay caabdudaya habeen iyo maalin, kuwaas la fadhi oo ku dhex sabir ayuu Ilaahay yidhi...waana kii markale isagoo Ilaahay cannaanaya ku laha "cabasa wa tawallaa, in jaa'ahul acmaa,..."

Cahdigaasi wuxuu ahaa cahdigii duugoobay, ee la lahaa cadhatira amma cadho biiya,wuxuu dhammaaday cahdigaasi maalintii Maka la furay ee dagaalkii Sokkeeye ee dhex joogay Carab iyo Quraysh uu dhammaaday, ee kabcada la furay ee la iskugu yimid kabcada, ee Bilaal fuulay ee,  uu ka addimay, ayaa cahdigaasi dhammaaday.

Shirwaynahaasi markii uu dhammaaday, iyo Sahra tuugo soo xaroodkeedii ayuu cahdigaasi inaggana ku dhammaaday. Waxaa aynu markan dambe galnay, cahdiga dambe ee Qaran-dhiskii iyo Qoomiyad dhiskii, iyo asaaskii loo taagi lahaa Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland wax weeyi taasi markaas in laga jeesto maqaayad laga sheekeeyo oo dawladdii maxay qabatay la yidhaahdo Somaliland ku dhismi mayso.. Jamhuuriyaddani waxay ku dhismaysaa marka uu dadkeedu u dhiidhiyo, Kanadi ninka la yidhaahdo ayuu Maraykan doortay, Maraykanna maanta waa dawladdii caalamka, uguKarti  weynayd ugu hanti badnayd, maalintii ugu horraysay ee uu xilka la wareegay ayuu yidhi, waxaan idinka doonayaa reer Maraykanaw, inaydaan odhan maxaa maraykan ii qabatay, ee aad ku fakirtaan,  maxaan Maraykan u qabtaa..maanta cahdigan aynu galnay waxa weeyaan cahdi dhismo,

Dhismana !

 waxa isagu dhismi kara, ninkii isagu,  is-dhisa, maxaa la i siiyaa iyo maxaan cunaa waxba ku hagaagi maayaan. Wax la cunayna dal dhisi maayaan. Nimanka aan Madaxda idiinka dhigay ee aan dawladda u dhiibayana waxaanu ku balannay,..inta dambe ee meel ii taallana aanu ku ballamaynaa, makhaayad dambe ma jirto, Makhaayad ma jidho ! waxa weeyi ninkii madaxda ahaa ee meel loo dhiibay, xilka loo dhiibay in uu kasoo baxo oo ay dhaqso u muuqato, oo shacabka uu xilka u hayo ay dhaqso ugu muuqato waxa uu u qabtay iyo waxa u fulay iyo waxa u dhiman.Laakiin ma muuqanayso haddaydaan idinku la heyn. Haddii aad idinku maqaayaddii haysaan oo barrito waxa loola tagaa, ay noqoto, maxaad reer hebel u tartay, maxaad aniga isiisay, dhiilkan maxaad ku shubtay, dherigan maxaad ku riday,..intaa haddii waxa la waydiiya tahay…

Inan (gabadh) ayaa la waydiiyay ayaa la yidhi, oo la weydiiyay naa maxaad buuqan usoo gashay,..waxay tidhi toban nin ayaan isha kaga hayay dadkii aan la noolaa, oon Ilaahay odhan jiray, Ilaahaw tobankaa nin, mid uun calafkayga iiga dhig. Tobankiiba way ii yimaadeen oo waxay yidhaahdeen bay tidhi, naa marada dhigo. xaaraanbay iila yimaadeen bay tidhaahdeen.

Dee yaa  hadhaybay tidhi, yaan sugaa?

 Dee raggani, dadka ay sugayaan ee ay magac iyo maamuus ka doonayaan, idinka weeyi, idinkuna waxaad ku maamusaysaan, waxaad ku qadarinaysaan, hadday tahay dhiilka maxaad ku ridaysaan, ree hebel maxaad tartay, haddii aad leedihiin qaydhin ku qaybi wixii laguu dhiibay oo aad barrito, yaa markaas ! yaa markaas !....

Dee maxaan anigu ku yidhaahdaa?, muxuu se  isagu isku yidhaadaa?..waa inantaas oo kale !

waa tobankii aan lahaa, doorasho, haddii aad barrito isku taagto, magac iyo maamuus ka hel. Doorashaa la galayaa, nin reer hebelnimo markaas meel ku tagayaa ma jiro. Haddii tobankii nin ee uu lahaa kuwaasaa ku dhisi, kuwaas ayaad magac iyo maamuus ka doonaysaa, xiniinyo kuwa kugu jira maahee, kuwa lagula garab taaganyahay weeyi,  tobankiiba hadday yimaadeen oo ay yidhaahdaan , reer hebel iigu soo dhiib,  xagguu wax ka qaban?

waxa weeyi gacantiinnay ku jirtaa !

Aniga laga bilaabo, illaa dabi-kaatiyaasha barri la dhaarin doono, illaa wasiirka aan anigu cayimi doono, illaa Sheekh Ibraahim, mid waliba gacantiinnay ku jirtaa,  waxaad nagu kalliftaan, ma diidi karno. Waxaad doonaysaan, hadday tahay keena, waa keena uun. Xeerkeenu waa kaas. Waxaad naga doonaysaan hadday tahay: maxaad qabateen?,  maxaad kordhiseen?, iskuulkeed dhisteen?, cusbitaalkii maxaa yaalla?, wadadani maxay u bur-bursantahay?. Taas waxaad nagula xisaabtamaysaan hadday tahay, wallaahi barraan kasoo baxaynaa, oo iskuulkii dhisaynaa, oo cusbitaalkii dhisaynaa, oo wadadii hagaajinaynaa, oo idinka halkiina ay mid waliba nimcadu kusoo gaadhaysaa.

Ma sugaysaan hadaba?, Maxaa inoo ballama?

ma dharigaan idiinku ridnaa?,  Misa dhulkaanu galinnaa?

ka jawaaba hadaba…………" 

Qeyb kamida Khudbaddii Madaxweyne Cigaal, 18-kii May, 1997-kii uu khayriyada ka jeediyay.

Transcribed and posted by Garyaqaan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul. 

KULMIYE PARTY IS AT CROSSROADS ; SILANYO CLINGS THE REINS OF THE HORSE AND MUUSE IS PREPARING TO PULL HIM DOWN.

Posted on January 28, 2014. 

by Garyaqaan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul (waddi12@gmail.com)

The tsunami of the political parties is their General assemblies, when they are selecting their big candidates for the presidential elections. It is when the party’s neck is on the line, when the cracks develop in to valleys, fragmented wings appear, and the exchange of the worst remarks among the colleagues is inevitable. Being afraid to face this decisive moment, Kulmiye party keeps pushing back the timeline scheduled for its internal competition. As we learned from the previous experiences, there will be a political tricks and rows over the delegate-selecting processes and organizing the assembly. Each candidate will not spare any effort or penny to build up strong coalition within the party by attempting to add the most active players in his lineup.

As the political forecasts foretold, in a time Kulmiye party is busy on processing its candidate for the 2015 presidential election. Mouse Bihi the chairman of the party, Abdi-asees Samale who is the minister of finance, and president Silanyo, are the only three names typed with bold fonts. Although, there could be more undecided candidates who want to pray when they hear the call.

The pioneer of Kulmiye party, Mr Silanyo believes that he had not gotten the returns of his input. He wants to be the presidential candidate of the party. Now, he is not Silanyo, the man he once was. He is the most powerful man of the nation; he got to know what being a president really means.He understood why Riyale repeatedly wanted the extension of his presidential terms.For this reason, he reactivated his political maneuvers within the party. Using his influence as the Somaliland president, and his profound experience as the former party leader, he is expected to come up with his own tactics .All he waits is to step up to the stage when it gets the Showtime.

Silanyo  has a right to stand for re-election. Nevertheless, it would be a breach of trust for Behis supporters. To do this, president Silanyo should make internal engagements within the party. The members of the party’s leadership or dissolving unfavorable coalitions in to pieces. To make everyone dance with his tune, since he has a lot of things to offer. If Mousa is too stubborn to be a close friend, then he should be listed as a political disposable buddy that is not worthy more than Tolwaa; a well-respected SNM commander, and Igal’s vice president.

Mouse Behi, the current chairman of Kulmiye party. This time he looks serious, though Abdul-azees Samaale remains to be his challenge ahead of the big time. He has to prove that he is a hard-dying contester, not a political joke this time. I do not know whether Silanyo candidacy is no longer surprise to him. If he is vigilant enough, to take all potential uncertainties into account, Mouse should be well-prepared for this hot party race. Whether, it is the boss or someone else.

The third player is Abdul Azees Samaale, unknown imam in one of Hargeisa’s Mosques and an elected deputy chairman of the lower parliamentary house. A man who stepped down from his elected position in return for a ministerial position appointed under presidential decrees. Now his dismissal depends on the president’s pleasure. His political Cv is not older than his parliamentary ticket, but now seems to be a big fish swimming in the depth of the political ocean. In the party struggle, Mr Samale proves to be a choking sugar lamp stack in Behi’s throat.

His stance to stand for presidential candidacy remains to be a controversial topic. His engagement within party sphere and the ways he is doing things casts doubtful outlook to the political commentators. Samale’s hesitations, when it comes to Silanyo’s face-to-face match, and his readiness when Mouse’s political endeavors comes up to the surface remains to be unresolved paradox . Some political commentators hold that Samaale is nothing more than Silanyo’s made-up robot, or an aide who is hired to outsmart Mouse’s sympathizers. While others hold that Samaale is serious, interpreting his hesitation as a tactic to keep his position in the government. Hence, it is the Show-time, when Samale’s true faces will come to light.

Apart from the competition for the party’s presidential candidacy, will-be vice presidents do not come to the surface yet. We do not know, whether Seyli’i is going to ride the horse with Silanyo this time or searching for an active political colleague within the party. Seyli’s continuing influence in the party activities could be interpreted as his political worries about falling from the leadership ladders in the upcoming season.

All I want to tell is the Somali proverb that says “no more bragging, if the horses are ready for the race”. (Fardo la isku hayo,maxaa la iskaga faanin).

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul.

Bacaluul: HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI I...

Bacaluul: HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI I...: Waxa ugu badnaan laga joogaa 30 sannadood markii ay xabsiga u taxaabeen iyagoo jidh-dilay calooshood u shaqaystayaashii la jiray Kali taliy...

HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI IYO KOLONEL TUKEH ?

Waxa ugu badnaan laga joogaa 30 sannadood markii ay xabsiga u taxaabeen iyagoo jidh-dilay calooshood u shaqaystayaashii la jiray Kali taliyahii Soomaliya  ee Maxamed Siyad Barre. Farhan Warfaa Ali kamay hadhin naxdintii iyo saskii uu ka qaaday, maalintii uu sarkaalkii ciidanka ahaa,  ee waraysanayay,  intuu bistoolad ula soo baxay,  uu shanta xabadood ku dhuftay, isagoo meel u dhaw taagan.  

Farhaan Warfaa oo la taagan Qareennadiisii.Wuxuu Farhaan dacawaynaa, Yuusuf Abdi Ali, oo dambiyo badan  ka geystay Somaliland 1980-kii, isla markaana deggan dalka Maraykanka. Photograph; Centre for
Justice and Accountability.                                    

Colonel Yuusuf Abdi Ali ( Tuke).
Photograph: Centre
 for Justice  and Accountability

Hadaba, isagoo, u malaynaya in uu dilay maxbuuskii uu waraysanayay ee loo haystay dambi aan kasii waynayn taangi biyood oo la xaday, ayuu Ciidankii ku amray inay maydkiisa qaadaan, soona aasaan.

Laakiin Warfaa oo ka samatabaxay dilkaasi, ayaa xabsigii ka fakaday, kadib markii uu gacan-siiyay askari naxariis badnaa kaasi oo si qarsoodi ah uga saaray kaamboolkii xabsiga.Walaw la odhan karo, askarigani wuu bad-baadiyay, hadana dulmanahani wuxuu noqday mid la nool dhawaacyo nafsiyeed iyo xaalado maskaxeed oo ka dhashay dhacdadaasi xanuunka lahayd ee soo martay. 

Sarkaalkan ku eedaysan in uu toogtay Warfaa waqtigaasi, wuxuu hayay xil-sare oo amar-bixin iyo go'aan-qaadashaba leh. Isagoo noqday kii ugu arxanka darnaa ee loogu cabsida badnaa jiray, mudadii 20-ka  sannadood ahayd ee ay jirtay Kalitalisnimadii Siyaad Barra, siday xustay kooxda u doodda Xuquuqda Aadamaha ee fadhigoodu yahay Kalifoorniya (dalka Maraykanka) ee loo yaqaano Xarunta Caddaaladda iyo La-xisaabtanka (Centre for Justic and Accountability) marka lasoo gaabiyana,  loo yaqaano ( CJA).

Kolonel Yusuf Abdi Ali, oo ku magac dheeraa (Tukeh) , wuxuu ahaa hogaamiyihii haystay Brigaydhkii Shanaad ee Ciidankii Somaliya, ee 1980-maadkii. Wuxuuna cabsi-galin ballaadhan ku hayay dadkii kasoo jeeday beelaha Isaaq ee deggan Somaliland. Wuxuu  amar ku bixin jiray, inta baddanna, ka qayb qaadan jiray hawl-gallaadii baahsanaa ee xabsi-geynta, jidh-dilka, iyo, dilalkii  Maxkamad la'aanta ahaa. Tacaddiyadaasi oo  u hannaansanaa qaab maamuleed, oo  lagula kici jiray dad, aan tiradooda lasoo koobi karin. 


Eedaysane Ali,  sidoo kale wuxuu hogaaminayay hawlgallo, lagu baabiyay tuulayoon badan, sida ay xaqiijisay CJA. 

Xubno ka mida ( Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team) oo ku xeeldheer Cilmiga lagu lafa-guro Caddaymaha  ama raadadka ka hadha dhacdooyin iyo facyaw hore.

1991-kii, markii ay dhacday dawladdii Siad Barre,  Ali wuxuu u baxsaday dalka Kanada, muddooyinkii dambena wuxuu si joogto ah, u degay dalka Maraykanka. Dadaallada loogu jiro in lagu horkeeeno cadaaladdu, waxay ka sii socon doonaan Maxkamadaha Rafcaanka ee Firjiiniya arbacada. Dhagaysigaasi oo saamayn ku yeelan doona, dacwad ku oogista eedaysanayaasha loo haysto inay gaysteen dambiyo dagaal ee ku nool dalka Maraykanka.

Qareenadda u doodaya eedaysanaha (Tukeh) ayaa codsanaya in dacwaddan inta badan jiidantay, ee ugu horraynteedii la furtay 2004-tii, oo dib-u-dhac intaas leeg ku yimid hab-socodkeedii, ay gabi ahaanba meesha ka baxayso, maadaamo oo ay leeyihiin wuxuu haystaa Xukun Maxkamadda Sare kasoo baxay oo siiyay Dhawrsanaan. Xukunkaasi oo la xidhiidhay dacwad kale.

Halka Garyaqaanada CJA, ee matal, oo ay gacansiinaaan Qareenada kaalmeeya dadka itaalka daran (Pro bono lawyers) kana tisan Shirkadda Sharci ee magaceeda la yidhaahdo DLA Piper, ay Kaga doodi doonaan Maxkamada Rafcaanka, in uu go'aankaasi Maxkamadda Sare khuseeyo Dacwad Shirkadeed, sidaa darteedna aanu, gabbood u noqon karin ama faaido u yeelan karin,  Qof la ogyahay in uu dadka,  nolasha ku ciqaabi jiray. Kaasi oo daggan Caarriga Maraykanka.

Waxayna aaminsanyihiin Qareenaddan u doodaya Warfaa, in Go'aankasta oo u dan ah Kolnaylku uu daciifin doono awooddii sharciyeed ee uu lahaa Xeerka Magdhawga Shisheeyaha ( Alien Tort Statute) ee loo yaqaan (ATS). Xeerkaasi oo soo jireen ahaa muddo Qarniyo ah, ayay waayadan dambe Kooxaha u dooda Xuquuqda Aadamuhu aad u adeegsadaan. Waxaanu Xeerkani, xaq u siinayaa dadka aan u dhalan dalka Maraykank in ay dacwad madani ah ka furtaan Maxkamadaha Maraykanka,  haddii ay dalkaasi ka helaan Shaqsiyaad ay u tirsanayaan tacaddiyo iyo gefaf ka dhan ah aadamaha markii ay dalkoogii joogeen. Dacwad-furashadani waxa shardi u tahay laba arrimood: (1) Waa in aanu dacwooduhu waqtigii tacadiyaddaasi loo geystay uu joogay meel ka baxsan Maraykanka; (2) Waa in uu caddeeyo in  aanu dalalkaasi (xadgudubku ka dhacay) aanu ka heli karin  daw-bixin  iyo nidaam u caddaalad sameeya isaga iyo ciddii u awoodda sheegatay.

"Tani waa markii ugu horraysay ee Maxkamadda Rafacaanku ay u adeegsan doonto Go'aankii Maxkamadda Sare, arrin la xidhiidha shaqsi dambi-geyste ah oo magan  galyo ka raba Maraykanka, sidoo kalana waa markii ugu horraysay ee ay Maraykanka hortimid in uu go'aan ka gaadho wuxuu sharci ahaan ka yeeli doono shaqsiyaadka geysta Xad-gudubyada baahsan ee aadminimada ka baxsan (Mass Atrocity Crimes). Ma wuxuu Maraykanku noqon doonaa gabbood ay kusoo dhuuntaan kolonel Tukeh iyo kuwa la midka ah, ama wuxuu noqon doonaa meel caddaalada lagu mariyo, waa su'aasha ay jawaabteedu ku xidhantahay go'aanka Maxkamadda " Ayay tidhi Qareen,  Kathy Robert oo ka tirsan CJA.

Dacwaysanuhu wuxuu  isku dayay in ka badan 30 sannaadood, in uu horistaago Xukun-maxkamadeed Sharciyoobay (Legal Precedent) oo u ogolaaday in dhibanayaasha loo geysto tacaddiyo lid ku ah aadminimadu, ay dacwadahooga ku furtaan Xeerka loo yaqaan ATS, si ay magdhaw uga helaan kadeedkii loo geystay".

Xukunka Maxkamadda Sare ee uu Tuke u cuskanayo difaaciisa, waa go'aankii 2013-kii ee u dhexeeyay Kiobel v Royal Dutch Shell Petroleum. Taasi oo Gudidii Garsoor ee dacwaddan ka garnaqday, ay  go'aamisay, in aanay kooxdii reer Nayjeeriya ee qoxoontiga ku ahayd Maraykanku aanay xaq u lahayn, ay ku dacweeyaan Shirkaddii British-Dutch Multinational. Kuwaasi oo ku eedeeyay inay Shirkaddu si hoos ahaana ula wadday jidh-dilkii iyo dilalkii ay Milatariga Nayjeeriya kula kici jireen Mudahaaradaayaashii u ololaynayay Deegaankaa 1990-meeyadii.

Gudida garsoor ee u xilsaaran dhagaysiga rafcaankani waxay ka koobantahay 3 Garsoore. Arrinta hortaale ee laga sugayo in uu go'aanku ka jawaabo, ayaa ah bal incabashadan ka dhanka ah Cali, ay saamayn raad iyo saamayn ku leedahay, si ay u helaan sababo ku filan oo ay kaga gudbaan go'aankii Kiobel, iyo bal in uu Cali xaq u leeyahay Dhawrsanaanta Xeerka soo yaalka ah ee afka qalaad lagu yidhaahdo koman law (Common law).

Roberts wuxuu ku doodayaa, in joogitaanka Cali uu joogo Maraykan tan iyo 1996-kii, uu tilmaamayo in uu haysto deganaansho Rasmiya oo guur ahaan lagu siiyay, sidoo kalana mar haddii guuritaankiisa uu ku soo degay Firjiniya ay caddayn ugu filantahay Garsoorayaasha Rafcaanka.

Joseph Drennan, oo Qareen difaac u ah Ali, ayaa ka gaabsaday in uu wax faallo ah siiyo Joornaalka Kasoo baxa Ingiriiska ee loo yaqaano DA GAARDIYAN (The Guardian). Wuxu hore ugu dooday inay arrinta dagaanaanshiyaha ee la xidhiidha Tukeh ay sharci ahaan ka baxsantahay Mawduuca dacwadda, waxaanu qoraal gaaban oo uu u qoray Maxkamada Bishii 3aad ee sannadkan ku yidhi "Maxkamadda Sare waxay dacwadii Kiobel ku go'aamisay, in aanay halka uu dacweysanuhu ka joogo Maraykanka aanay ahayn arrin khusaysa ujeeddooyinkii loo asaasay Awoodaha Sharciyeed ee xeerka ATS”

Hadaba, Arbacada soo socota (16/09/015 ) oo fadhi gaaban oo dhegaysiya la yeelan doono, waxa laga filayaa inay Maxkamadda Rafcaanka  ee Maraykanku ay 90 maalmood gudahood ku soo saari doonto go'aan. Warfaa oo ah nin oday si weyn maamuus ugu leh, deegaankiisa Gabiley, ayaan fadhigaasi kasoo qayb gali doonin, balse codsaday in arrintiisa la baahiyo"

Dhammaad.

N.B;

Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul, isagoo fulinaya Codisigaasi Dhibbane Warfaa, iyo in badan oo la mid ah, oon codkooga la maqal, dulmigaasina helin cid ka daw-marisa, amaba kuba nafwaayay,  wuxuu tarjumay warkan uu kasoo xigtay Warfidiyeenka The Guardian oo baahiyay 16/09/015.