Monday, November 9, 2020

MAXAY TIGREEGU ISMAAMUL IYO QOOMIYAD AHAANBA DIIDDANYIHIIN ? Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul.

Taariikh ahaan, Tigraygu waxay Minelikii labaad kala qeyb-qaateen duulaannadii uu ku qabsaday Koonfurta iyo Galbeedka Eithiopia qarnigii 19-aad horraantiisii. Waxaanay intii ka dambaysay dhul-ballaadhsigaasi,  isku arkayeen kuwa laga maarmay oo Boqortooyadii Axmaaradu ee ay isku imbaraadooriyadda iyo diinta ahaayeen (Orthodox Christianity) aanay wax abaal ah u celin markii ay u guurtay Koonfurta. Waxaanay u arkeen Axmaaradii Showa kuwa isku koobay kheyraadkii iyo dhulalkii la qabsaday, isla markaana is-gaashaan buuraysi kale la samaystay dadyawgii reer miyiga ahaa ee ay qabsadeen. 

Tigreyga—iyaga oo dhutinaya ayuu Dhergigu kusii joogsaday. Waxa uu Nidaamkii Hanti-wadaagga ee Dhergigu afgambiyay Boqortooyadii Haile Salase 1974-kii, una badalay hoggaamintii Itoobiya Nidaam Siyaasadeed Shuuciya oo ku dhisan hal-xisbi. Dhergiga laftiisu wuxu ahaa mid sii xoojiyay uun cududdii Militari iyo Siyaasadeed ee Axmaaradu lahayd. Waxaanu Nidaamkani ku shaqeynayay olole Shuuciyeed iyo Xamaasad Isireed is-huwan. Waxaana Tigreega oo ka soo jeeda xadaarad guun ah, siyaasad ahaana qeyb ka ahaan jiray Imbiradooriyadii Abisiiniya (ee ka dhaxaysa Tigreega iyo Amxaarada qarnigii 18-aad), sida qowmiyadaha kale la qarameeyay ilahoogii waxsoosaar, laguna Qasbay Afka Axmaariga—Luqada Rasmiga ee Maamulka dawladeed, Waxbarasho iyo Ganacsigaba. 

Walaw duruufo dhaqaale loo nisbeeyo waxyaabihii dhaliyay kacdoonkii iyo jabhaydayntii ay shucuubta Tigreegu ay kaga horyimaaddeen taliskii Mingeste, haddana kamuu maqnayn dareen qoomiyadeed oo ay ku diidanayeen Amhaariyaynta dalka [amharization policy]. Waxa kale oo ay tan la wadaagayeen dhaq-dhaqaaqyadii gooni-u-goosasho ee ay bilaabeen qowmiyadihii kale ee Canfarta, Oromada iyo Somalidu. 

Markii ay dhacday Dawladdii Kalitaliska ahayd ee Dhergigu 1991-kii, waxa talada la wareegay EPRDF oo ka kooban Isbahaysi Qoomiyeeddo hubaysan oo si wada jir ah u la wada dagaalamay Taliskaasi. Isbahaysiyadaasi guulaystay oo uu hoggaaminayay Tigreegu, ayaa Malez Zenawi u doortay Madexweynaha Xukuumaddii ku-meel-gaadhka ahayd intii u dhexaysay 1991–1995. Kaasi oo markii dambena noqday Raa’isal Wasaarihii labaad ee dalka 1995-2012. Waxaana dalku ku qaatay Siyaasad Fedaraalnimo oo ku dhisan Qoomiyad (Ethnic-based Federalism).

Hadaba khilaafka imika jiraa wuxuu salka ku hayaa khilaaf xadeed u dhexeeya Gobolka Tigray iyo Axmaarada. Waxaana dhulalka midabaysan ee ku jira maapka Gobolka Tigray, la sheegayaa in ay yihiin dhul-ballaadhsi ay Sameeyeen intii ka dambaysay 1991-kii,  iyaga kaashanay Awooddii TPLF ee Dawladda dhexe ee uu hoggaaminayay Males Zanawi. Meelaha xiisaddu ka taagantahay wax kamida Gonder iyo Wollo

Xiisadda khilaaf ee u dhexeysa Maamulka Tigray iyo Amxaara, wuxuu kor u kacay 2018. Sida ay sheegayso ICG, Ismaamulka Axmaaraddu wuxuu laayay, barkiciyayna kumanaan ka tirsan qowmiyad Qimant oo dhex deggan gobolkooda. Qoomiyaddan ayaa bilawday dhaq-dhaqaaq ay ku doonayaan is-xukun-hoose (autonomy) oo ka madaxbanaan Maamulka Axmaarada. Halka uu Maamulka Axmaaradu isna ku eedeeyay Maamulka Tigray in uu ku lug leeyahay dhaq-dhaqaaqyadan.

Labada Ismaamul midkoodna uma muuqdo mid oggolaanaya wax tanaasula. Sidoo kale Tigreegu waxay ka biyo-diideen Guddida Xallinta khilaaf xadeedyada Federaalka  ee la asaasay 2018-kii. Waxaanay ku doodayaan in aanay Guddidan lahayn sharciyad iyo dhex-dhexaadnimo ay ku dhexgasho khilaafka. Waxaanay ku andacoonayaan in aanay Guddidani ku salaysnayn Dastuurka dalka, isla markaana aanay lahayn awood ka madaxbannaan Maamulka Abby, maadaamo oo uu la xisaabtankooda leeyahay Xafiiska Raysal Wasaaruhu halkuu ka yeelan lahaa Baarlamaanka Federaalku.

Tigreegu kuma kalsoona Abby, marka ay noqoto Khilaafka iyaga iyo u dhexeeya Axmaarada. Maadaamo oo ay amhaaradu ay kamid ahaayeen is-bahaysigii kursiga Awoodda Saaray Abby. Waxaanay Tigreegu isku arkaan kuwo siyaasad ahaan Axmaarada iyo Oromadu go'doomiyeen, oo xataa siyaasiyiintii Oromada iyo Amxaarada ahaa ee ku jiray Xisbigooga ay uga yeedheen, qaarkoodna cadaadis lagu saaray inay iska casilaan. Sidoo kale isbadalladii uu ku tallaabsaday Raysal Wasaaraha Cusub, ayay u fasirteen Siyaasad Qoommiyad ahaan loogu bartilmaameedsanayo oo wax kasta oo laga tabanayay maamulkii hore iyaga dusha laga saarayo. 

Xisbiga TPLF ee ka arrimiya imika Gobolka Tigray, wuxuu isku arkaa mucaaridka qudha ee dhex fadhiya Baarlamaanka Federaalka. Waxaanay Ismaamulka Tigreegu muddooyinkii dambe bilaabeen dhaq-dhaqaaqyo ay ku xoojinayaan Ciidamadooda Nabadgalyada. Tallaabooyinkaas oo ay Federaalku isha ku hayeen, isla markaana u fahmeen isku-diyaarin dagaal oo ka badan Baahi amniyeed. In ay Tigreegu tab iyo taag ahaanba is-hubsadeenna, waxa tusaale kugu filan sida uu Maamulkoogu ugu joojin waayay Amarkii Xanuunka Koofidka la xidhiidhay ee dawladda dhexe ku joojisay doorashooyinka.


Xigashada Mapka; https://welkait.com/?page_id=121


Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

Tuesday, September 1, 2020

HANNAANKA GARSOOR EE LOOGA GO'AAN GAADHO DASTUURNIMADA XEERARKA (Constitutionality of Laws)?: Falanqayn Sharci oo Ku saabsan sida ay Maxkamadda Dastuurigu u laashay Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka (lr 24/2020)by Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul


Waxay Maxkamadi sideedaba go'aan kasoo saartaa waa Dacwad. Dacwad kastaana noocay doonto ha noqotee (ciqaab, madani, maamul amaba dastuuriba) waxa dacwadnimadeeda sal u ah inay lahaato  shuruudahan hoos ku xusan:

1. Laba dhinac; dacwoode iyo dacweysane, eed-ooge iyo eedaysane, rafcaanle iyo rafcaansane, loofuliye iyo lagu-fuliye. iwm.

2. Waa inuu jiraa Mawduuc ama Xaqiiqo la isku hayo (Point of issue); mawduucaasi oo ah mid sharci ahaan iyo xaqiiqo ahaan laga garnaqi-karo (Justiciability) oo la fahmi karo nidaamku lagu xaqiijin karo su'aashaasi jawaabteeda, isla markaana la garan karo waxa ay dhinacyadu kala doonayaan.

3. Dhegeysi dhinac saddexaad oo ka madax-bannaan dhinacyada is-haya iyo mawduuca la isku hayo, dhegeysigaasi oo ay shardi u tahay inuu Ka dhaco madal u furan dadweynaha iyo saxaafadda si loo arko in fursado isleeg la siiyay dhinacyadii is hayay iyo inkale.

 4. Go'aan ka dambeeya isku-dhegeysiga dhinacyada is haya, go'aankaasi oo sababaynaya jawaabtiisa, isla markaana faah-faahinayo sida loo miisaamay labada doodood iyo caddaymahooga.    

Hadaba marka aynu isla saxno Nidaamka Loo maray Go'aanka la sheegayo in lagu laalay XeerkA 24/2020, ayaynu u guda gali karnaa Asbaabta ay Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahi u cuskatay go'aankeeda. Hadaba si aad uga jawaabto bal inay jirtay dacwad dastuuriya iyo inkale waxaad is weydiisaa saddexdaasi qodob ee sare ku xusan in ay Maxkamaddu Buuxisay si ay usoo saarto Go'aan Dastuuriya. Ma jireen dhinacyo dhab oo ka ashkatooday? Haddayse jireen ma sheegi kartaa labada dhinac ee ay u garnaqday Maxkamaddu? Marka taas la xaqiijiyo ayaa la isweydiin karaa bal inuu jiro wax cad oo la isku hayaa iyo inkale.

Kasoo gudub. Ma jiro dhinacyo dacwadeed, dood dacwadeed. Waayo dhinacyada dacwadda Dastuuriya soo gudbisan kara, waa dhinac uu xaq Dastuuriya oo uu lahaa uu saameeyay Qodob sharci oo ku soo baxay Xeer, amaba uu saameeyay Go'aan Maamul/Garsoor.

 Maxaa la yeelayaa haddii Xeer Baarlamaan loo arko inuu ku Xadgudbay Awoodihii Dastuuriga ahaa ee Waaxda Garsoorka

 Ma Garsoorka ayaa iskood  Xeerka iskugu fasiraya oo laalaya midkasta oo ay u arkaan in uu Lidku ku yahay Awoodahooda, misa jid kale ayaa loo marayaa?

 Intaa aan la gudo galin Su’aasha ku saabsan Dastuurnimada xeer, waxa haboon in la isla fahmo hannaanka iyo qaabka ay Su’aashaasi ku noqonayso Su’aal Garsooreed (Judicial Question). Marka aan leeyahay Su’aal Garsooreed waxan uga jeedaa sida arrintaasi loogu aqoonsan karo arrin Garsoor oo u baahan Garnaq iyo Go’aan Sharciyeed oo lagu furdaamiyo. Waayo Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah ma aha shaqadeedu in ay Xeerkasta oo dhaqangala ay akhrido, si ay u hubiso in uu Dastuurka waafaqsanyahay iyo in kale. Lagama a filayo in ay samayso dedaal iyada ka yimaadda ay ku ilaaliso Dastuurnimada Xeerarkasta oo soo baxa. Sidaa darteed waa in ay jirtaa cid kale oo ka madaxbannaan garsoorka oo dedaalkaasi bilawda. Ciddasi oo ku baraarujisa una soo gudbisa Maxkamadda si ay mushkiladdaasi uga garnaqdo. Waana halka ay ka curanayso Su’aasha Garsoor. 

Waxa dhici karta in uu Baarlamaanku soo saaro Xeer Caqabad ku ah madaxbannaanidii ay Maxkamaddu ku Garsooraysay. Tusaale ahaan haddii uu soo baxo xeer ka maanacayo maxkamadda inay Qabato dacwad X, Ama dhegeysato arrin ka dhacday goobta Y, amaba  Xeer mamnuucaya in laga cabto cid gaar ah ama go’aanno kasoo baxa hay’ad gaar ah iwm.

Ma aha in ay maxkamaddu isku aragto dhibane marka uu soo baxo xeer farogalinaya awooddaheeda Garsoor. Mana aha in ay durbadiiba ka falceliso oo ay iskeed u qaaddo tallaabooyin ay is leedahay ku ilaasho awoodahaaga dastuuriga ah. Balse Waa in ay sugtaa inta Qof uu xuquuqdiisa saameeyay xeerkaasi u soo cabanayo (Hough, B. 1997). Cabashadaasi oo ah dacwad dastuuriya ayuu qofkaasi kaga codsan doonaa Maxkamadda in ay laasho qodobada   Xeerkaasi ee ka hortaagan xaqa uu u leeyahay inuu helo Garsoor dhex-dhexaad ah'. Waayo Xaqa qofka ee ‘in uu helo dhegeysi garsoor oo dhex-dhexaada ah’ ayaa ka horreeya Waajibka saaran maxkamadda ee ah ‘in ay bixiso adeeg garsoor oo dhex ah’.

Waxa uu dacwoodahaasi ku baraarujinayaa (taking full cognizance) Maxkamadda waajibkeedii Dastuuriga ah ee 'bixinta adeegga Garsoor'. Sidaas baanay Maxkamadu iyada oo ayidaysa xaqaasi dastuuriga ah ay ku laali kartaa Xeerka (qodobada gaarka u taabanaya xaqa). Taasina waxay uga baahantahay in ay marka hore fadhi furan ku dhegeysato cabashada dastuuriga ah ee loo soo gudbisto iyada fursad u siinaysa dhinaca kale oo ah xeerdajinta in ay ka jawaabaan cabashadaasi laga qabo go'aankooda xeerdajineed ama ay difaacaan ujeeddada sharci ee ay ka lahaayeen qodobadaasi ay dooddu ka taagantahay. Dhegaysiga labadaasi doodood ka dib ayay tahay Maxkamaddu in ay go'aan fasiraadeed u dirto qodobadii sharci ee ay dooddu ka taagnayd dastuurinimadooda (Garlici 2007). Waxaanay Maxkamaddu asbaabteeda isku bar-bar dhigaysaa fasiraaddii ay ku samaysay qodobadaasi iyo fasiraadda qodobada Dastuurka ee ay macno ahaan ka hor imanayaan. Kadib ayay sidaas ku laalaysaa, kuna ayidaysaa dooddii dacwoodaha, iyadoo go'aankeeda ku sheegaysa waajibkii dastuuriga ahaa ee Garsoor ahaan ka saarna fulinta xaqaasi.   

Baarlammaanku  Xeer ma ku Nidaamin karaa Hawlaha Garsoorka?

Jawaabtu waa haa. Waayo Baarlamaanku wuxuu markan Gudanyaa Waajibkiisa Xeerdajineed ee ay shacabku u doorteen. Waxaanu Golahu isaga oo ka duulaya Dastuurka, uu awood u leeyahay inuu dajiyo xeerkasta oo Nidaaminaya Hawlaha Qaranka iyo Hay’adaha u xilsaaran. Garsoorkuna wuxuu ka mid yahay hawlaha qaran ee ay dawladnimadu u xilsaarantahay. Marka ay xeerdajintu gudanayso xilkoodan distooriga ahna, waxa ay matalaan shacabka oo leh karaamada (siyaadada) dawladnimo ee ugu sarraysa, sidaa awgeed lama odhan karo waxa ay farogaliyeen arrimihii Maxkamadaha. Marka laga yimaaddo dastuurka, dhammaan xeerarka kale ee qeexa waajibka Garsooridda (Substantive laws) iyo habka loo marayo Garsooriddu (Procedural Laws) waa waajib xeerdajineed oo uu Baarlamaanku u xilsaaranyahay. 

Waana waajib saaran Baarlamaanka in ay dajiyaan Xeerarka Asaasiga ah ee loo yaqaan Awood-bixiyayaasha (Enabling Acts) ee Qeexa Qaabdhismeedka iyo waajibaadka haya’adaha Qaranka. Hay’ad Qaran markan leeyahay waxaan uga jeedaa Unug-wadareed kasta oo dawladeed (public institutions) oo ay Wakiiladu u oggaalaadeen in uu ku shaqeeyo Cashuurta ummadda (Public Fund). Garsoorkuna wuxuu ka mid yahay adeeg-bixiyaasha dawladeed ee ku shaqeeya Maalgalinta Ummadda. 

 Garsoorayaasha Maxkamadaha iyo Guddoomiyayaashooduna kuma diidi karaan Xeernimada uu Xeer leeyahay, sababtoo ah wuxu xadidday awood ama maamuus xileed oo ay ka naaloon jireen. Sidoo kale ha ogaadaan awoodda xeerdajintu in ay tahay awood shacab, oo uu Goluhu ku matalo shacabkii doortay. Sidaa darteed aanay xubno kooban oo aan la dooran, isla markaana dano-kooxeed ama shaqsiyeed ilaashanayaa aanay ka hor iman awooddii shacabka lagu matalayay. Si ay sarreynta sharcigu u noqota mid jirta, waxa uu Garsoorku uu ku qasbanyahay in uu sharciga sida uu yahay ugu dhaqmo (law as it is), oo aanu doorbidin in uu ka dhigto hadba sida uu jecelyahay. 

Xeerarkii Hore u jiray ma go’aamin Karaan ansaxnimada Xeer Cusub, ama ansaxnimada wax-kabadalid iyo kaabis xeerdajineed oo xeer noqotay?

Waxa kale oo ay Maxkamaddu Dastuuriga ah ay ku sheegtay in laashay Wax-kabadalka Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka Xeer Lr 24/2020, maadaama oo uu ka hor yimid Xeerarka Habka Ciqaabta iyo Madaniga ah. Fasiraaddani waa mid jaahwareerin ah oo aan gabi ahaanba wax xidhiidh ah la lahayn (irrelevant) ka go'aan-gaadhista ansaxnimada Kaabista iyo Wax-kabadalka Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka sababahan awgood;

  1.  Xeerarka Habka Ciqaabta iyo Madaniga kama sarreeyaan Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka, oo ma nasakhi karaan Qodobadiisa. Xeerarka Habka madaniga iyo Ciqaabtuba waa xeerar Baarlamaan oo la siman xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka. Marka laga go’aan-gaadhaya Ansaxnimada Xeer Baarlamaan (Statutory Act) waxa ka sarreeya oo loo eegi karaa waa Dastuurka. Balse looma eegi karo xeer kale oo ay isku darajo yihiin. Waxa Xeer Baarlamaan loo eegi karaa uun Xeer-nidaamiyaha ka hoos dhasha
  2.    Waxay Qaacidada Kalasarraynta Nidaamka Xeerarku (Hierarchical rule of Legal order) dhigaysaa in haddii ay is-khilaafaan laba Xeer oo isku darajo ahi in ay isku baabiinayaan sida ay u kala dambeeyaan (Later law supersedes earliar laws). Waxaana tusaale kuugu filan, Sida Xeerka Ladagaalanka Mukhadaraadku (xeer lr 21/2002) uu meesha uga saaray Qodobadii Xeerka Ciqaabta Guud ee qeexayay Ciqaabta Sikhradda. Sidaa darteed Qodobada ku jira Xeerarka Habka Ciqaabtu iyo Madaniga ee ka horyimaadda Waxkabaddalka iyo Kaabista Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka (XNG) Xeer lr 24/2020 ayaa meesha ka baxaya, balse meesha ka bixi maayaan Kuwan ka dambeeyay ee XNG.
  3. Xeerarka Habka Ciqaabta iyo Madaniga ah waxay kasoo jeedaan Xeerarkii Dawladdii hore ee Somaliya, waxaanu Dastuurku oggalaaday in ku-meel-gaadh ahaan loosii adeegsado, inta la Samaynayo Xeerar Dastuurka iyo Dawladanimada Somaliland la jaanqaadaya. Haddaba xeerarkaasi duugga ahi sideebay caqabad ugu noqon karaan Xeerarka uu Baarlamaanka Somaliland Dajinayo?  Baarlamaanku ma wuxuu ku qasbanyahay inuu Xeerkasta oo Garsoor waafajiyo kuwii Dawladdii hore? Ma dastuurbaa xeerarkaasi? Maxkamaddu halkaas go’aankeeda kuma caddaynin, iyada ayay ceeb ku tahay maadaama oo ay tahay halkii ugu sarraysay ee Aqoonta Sharci loo tuhmayay, lagana filayay inay tallaabo kasta oo ay qaadayso ay ku sababayso Qodobo Sharci.

 

Maxkamadu Xeer Ama Qodobo Xeer oo Wax-kabadal Lagu Laalay Dib Xeer ma uga dhigi kartaa? Ma leedahay awoodda go’aaminta Waxa Xeer noqon doona?

 Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahi awood u ma laha in ay Xeer-dajiso (positive legislator), balse xeer jira marka ay u eegto dastuurka way laali kartaa (negative legislator). Marka aynu ogsoonahay in Xeerkii hore Nidaamka Garsoor Xeer lr 24/2003 uu laalay qeybo kamida wax-kabadalkii uu ku sameeyay xeer lr 24/2020. Maxkamadu waxa ay wada laashay xeerkii oo dhan, intiisii hore, intii wax laga badalay iyo intii lagu daray, iyada oo go'aankeeda ku tidhi 'waxa dhaqangal ah xeerkii hore'.

Su’aashu waxa weeyi horta Xeer la yidhaahdo Xeer hore ma jiraa saacadda ay go'aankan ay soo saarayso? Ma laba xeer oo bar-baro ah ayaa wada jiray (mid hore iyo mid dambe)? Miyaanu kaa hore (xr lr 24/2003) laalmin marka uu dhaqangalay xeerkan dambe (xeer lr 24/2020)? sifuhuu ku jiraa wax xeer hore la yidhaahdo?

  Waxa nidaamka xeerdajintu dhigayaa in ay qodoban dambe ee Waxkabadlka iyo kaabista ee dhaqangalay ay mar horeba laaleen wajigii ama Versionki hore ee Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka. Markaa Maxkamaddu dib u ma  samaysan/noolayn karto xeer laga soo guuray oo sidaa kaga baxay diiwaanka xeerarka dalka. Dastuurkuna ma siinin awoodda ay Maxkamaddu ku go’aamin karto xeerka uu dalku yeelan doono.

 Ma furan karaan Maxkamaduhu Dacwado ay dhinac ka yihiin?

 Maxkamaduhu sida hay'adaha kale ma aha kuwa iyagu muran dacwadeed bilaaba oo ilaashada awoodo iyo dano hay'adeed. Balse waxay ka jawaabaan (responsive) cabasho ama eedaha uu usoosoo gudbisto dhinac labaad. Sababaha ugu muhiimsan ee ay noqdeen ‘Jawaab-bixiyayaal”  ee aanay u ahayn “dood curiyayaal”waa saddexdan arrimood;                      

1.      Maxkamaddu waa meel dhex-dhexaad ah (Politically non-partisan) oo aan la rabin inay hay'ad ama shaqsiyaad gaar ah ay la tirsato ama ay isbartilmaameedsadaan. Waayo haddii ay soo baxdo in ay is hayaan cid gaar ah waxay luminaysaa milgihii Garsoornimo iyo dhex-dhexaadnimadii laga filan lahaa, Mar haddii ay loollan awoodeed a qeyb ka noqotana waxay soo dhexgalaysaa Garoonkii iyo Ciyaarihii ay ka Garsooreysay. 

2.      Sidoo kale Garsoor ahaan Maxkamaduhu waa isku hal qof (entity) ama Waax Qudha (One Branch) oo waxay hoos yimaaddaan hal Guddoomiye Guud. Markaa haddii la keeno caqliyadda ah inay Maxkamadi  kiis furan karto,  halka ay ka furanaysaa waxay noqonaysaa uun isla Waaxdeedii Garsoorka. Taasina waxay u ekaanaysaa in ay Maxkamadihii ay qaadayaan kiis ay isla iyagii dhinac ka yihiin. Mar haddii aydaan isla tagayn Garsoor dalkale oo  si madaxbannaan idinku garnaqa. Waxaanay isku-garqaadistaasi ay maxkamada ay isku garqaadayaan ay ka hor imanaysaa mid kamida mabadi'da Caddaaladda ee ay adduunyadu isla aqoonsantahay. Mabda'aasi oo ah 'In aan Qofna Kiis uu dhinac ka yahay aanu ka garnaqi karin'. Maxkamadda Dastuuriga hadaba  dhegeysiga ay sheegtay ee ay ku tidhi waxaan ku dhagaysatay maxkamadihii kale ayaa gabi ahaanba xadgudub ah Qodobada Dastuurka ee Qeexaya Awooda Garsooridda ee Maxkamadahaha eeg  97.1 iyo 98.2.t.

3.      Awooddan ay maxkamadu isku siisay inay ku laali karto xeer qaran oo dhaqangal ah, oo ay isla qaateen labadii Waaxood ee kalsoonida iyo codka shacabka haystay (Baarlamaanka iyo Madaxtooyada), waa mid lidku ah Dastuurka iyo Dimuqraadiyaddaba. Waliba waxa ay Laalistan ay sheegayso ay gabi ahaanba  ka arradantahay hannaankii daahafurnanta Garssoorka ee ay dhigayeen habraacyada ay maxkamaduhu ku qarqaadaan. Tallaabada ay Maxkamadu qaaday ma aha fasiraad sharci,  balse waa xeer-diidis ay Maxkamaddu iskeed uga  badheedhay.  Marka ay sidan yeeshayna waxa ay si cad uga hor timid Mabada'ii Dastuuriga ahaa ee (Kala Soocnaanta Awoodaha); ee loogu talogalay in ay Saddexda  awoodood ee Qaranku ku wada shaqeeyaan. Mabada'aasi  oo dhigaya nidaamka is-dheellitirka iyo is-xisaabinta awoodaha (Checks and Balances). Waxaana Garsoorka laga filayay in uu noqdo tusaalaha koowaad u hoggaansanaanta Sharcigu, maadaamo oo ay shaqadiisuba tahay ilaalinta ku dhaqanka Dastuurka iyo Xeerarka Qaranka. 

Gabo-gabo:

In ay Maxkamaddu rabitaankeeda ku go'aansato Xeerka Qaran ee ay Fulinayso  iyo kan ay diidayso waxay noqonaysaa gef badheedh ah oo ay ku abuurayso Jaah-wareer sharci oo hor leh (Constitutional Crisis). In garsoorku qeyb ka noqdo buuq iyo muran siyaasadeed kasta iyo dano-kasta oo la kala jiidanayo wax ay u dhimaysaa karaamadiisi iyo kalsoonidii ay ummaddu ku qabi lahayd dhexdhexaadnimadiisa.  Haddii uu sidan ku sii socdana noqon maayo mid ay dadku ku imaanqabi doonaan garnaqiisa.

Man aha Garsoorku in uu ku shaqeeyo is-kooxaysi ‘groupthink’, oo ay isku arkaan dhinac kamida dhinacyada u ordaya dano iyo ujeeddooyin kooxeed. Garsoorku in aanu iskooxaysan waxay qeyb ka tahay tayada ay leedahay Garsoornimadu, waxaanay dammaanad u tahay dhawrsanaanta Xuquuqaha iyo Xorriyaadka muwaadiniinta. Haddii uu garsoorku noqdo mid ‘is-kooxaysta’, ma noqon karo mid yeesha darajooyin loo kala cabto oo isa-saxa. Iskooxaysigu Wuxuu xad-gudub ku yahay Xaqii Rafcaan-qaadashada (right to appeal/judicial review) waayo waxa aad noqonaysaa mid u kala rafcaan qaadanaya koox isku xidhan oo tallaabo kasta oo ay qaadeen isla sii ogaa.  Waxaad u kala cabanaysaa niman isku arka koox-qudha oo isku-xidhnaashahoogu kala weynyahay xaq kasta iyo dano kasta oo ay wadato cid aan la koox ahayni. Ciddii ay u arkaan in ay halis ku tahayna hadalkeedaba daa! 

 Waana ceeb in la ina maqashiiyo in ay guddoomiyayaashii rafcaanada dalkoo dhami iyo Guddoomiyahoodii Sare (chief of justice) ay goor aan la ogeyn inoo shireen, dabadeedna ay si aan la fahmi karin iskula qaateen in la soo saaro wax lagu sheegay go’aan fasiradeed. Kaasi oo ay ujeeddadiisa tahay in ay ku muujiyaan uun sida ay iskugu raacsanyihiin ku shaqayn la’aanta Xeer Qaran oo dhaqangalay. Iskooxaysigaasi aan sharciga ahayn ee ku dhisan dano xileedka shaqsiga ahi waa khatar cusub oo inagu soo fool leh shacab ahaan iyo qof ahaanba. Haddii aan la kala xoreyn Garsoorkana (internal independance of judiciary) waa loo wada joogi doonaa nooca caddaaladeed ee mustaqbalka dhow laga la kulmi doono Maxkamadaha



 Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

Endnotes:

1.Xeer; waxa looga jeedaa, qodobo kamid ah xeer jira oo ay ka hor imanaya qodobada ama mabadi'ida nuxurka iyo asaaska u ah dastuurka. Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahi awood uma laha in ay xeer dhan oo baarlamaan wada laasho, balse waxay awood u leedahay in ay laasho qodobada ay su'aasho ka taagantahay haddii ay ka hor imanayaan Dastuurka, amaba waafajiso dastuurka iyada oo u fasiraysa si nuxur ahaan waafaqsan dastuurka (interpretative judgement).

Hough, B,1997. re-examination of the case for locus standi rule in public law' Cambrian law review. p6 vol;28.pp 83-104.

Lech Garlici. Constitutional courts v Supreme courts, Oxford University Press 2007,p49, vol 5;44



 Lifaaq

Go'aanka Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah ee Laalista Khilaafku ka taagnaa ee Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka Xeer lr 24/2020 (3 copy)










Tuesday, January 28, 2020

EVERY AGE HAS ITS OWN HEROES by Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul


I think those who are repeating SNM for their political interest are doing nothing else but only revealing events just to personalize the whole episodes. They are making this rhetoric just to note certain names in bold fonts, or to tell they are the only heroes. We scratched this SNM card for Silanyo once, twice for Behi, can we do it thrice for Someone else?
Brothers, life is ongoing process, or unending struggles and episodes. As a post-war generation, i am fed up to hear the playbacks of Bobe Yousuf Du'ale. We are tired off to hear his Qaho fairy tales, because you could not get a plot out of them, just settings and charecters (personal names). There are no principles nor wisdom behind them, he is just telling us that he there at that times. who is willing to hear the damn old days, when he has no idea what lays down the end of the road.
We need SNM heroes, whether Bobe, or Behi, whether Mireh or another Mannehe to tell us that they are not just means of destruction, but also means of construction. We want to see them respect the liberties and freedoms of individuals, if they were fighting for that cause.
We want to them to show that they are not epic of the past but also the spirit of the future. If they have the thought that they did their part, they should leave the rest of the game for the post-war generation. Otherwise, we want their leadership to come up with another outlook, or to be the prophesy of the afterwards.

By Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (waddi12@gmail.com)

Saturday, August 11, 2018

GO'AANKA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DIB-U-SOO-CELINAYA MAAMULLIDA HANTIDA QARANKU WAA MID DIB-U-NOOLAYNAYA MILGIHII DAWLADNIMADA



Garyaqaan Bacaluul. 
Marka hore Waxa guul ah in Madaxweynuhu dib gacanta ugu soo celiyo Hantida Qaranka (Public Assets) oo ay Haamaha Shidaalku iyo Maamulka Guud ee Madaarku ugu muhiimsanayeen.

Haamahaasi waxay ahaayeen halku-dhaggii Ololaha Kulmiye Waqtigii ay talada doonayeen inay kala Wareegaan Xisbigii Udub. Manay ahayn ujeeddadu in shirkad Macaash-doon ah (profit-making) inta laga qaado, in lagu wareejiyo kuwo kale oo macaash doon ah. ama in loo kaliyeeyo (Monopolization) wax dadka ka dhexeeya in gaar ah.

Shirkadahan dikreetadu sheegtay, ayaanan run ahaantii arag meelay xafiisyo Rasmiya ku leeyihiin, iyo cid u shaqaysa toona (ghost companies). Ma wax haamaha iyo Madaarka loo samaystay uunbay ahaayeen? illeen cashuuro badan ayaabu qaranku hantidooda iyo adeegyadoodaba ku lahaan laahaaye.

Waa tan labaade, waxaan soo dhaweynaya Goldaloolada sharci ee Dikreetadu ku qirtay in aanu jirin Xeer Guud oo Nidaamiya Qaabka ay Dawladda iyo maalgaliyayaasha gaarka ahi ay Wax-u-wada yeelanayaan (Publi-Private Partnership Act). Waayo, xeerkani waa sharciga meesha ka saara in Dano is-khilaafsan laga dhex helo heshiisyada noocan ah (i,e; In Hantida Qaran lagu wareejiyo Cid gaar ah oo saami qarsoon, ama dano gaar ah lala leeyahay, sida in Masuuliyiinta wareejinaysaa, ay iyagu isku wareejiyaan hantida ummadda iyagoo shaadhkale soo xidhay), Taasi oo keenaysa in la isweydiiyo waxay dadweynuhu ka helayaan Shuraakadaasi ama gaar-u-bixintaasi (privatization).

Xeerkaasi waa asaasi waana kii qeexi lahaa qaabka adeeg/hanti umadeed loogu wareejinayo gooni-u-macaashayaal maalgashan kara, ama qaabka ay wax-u-wadaagi lahaayeen ummad-iyo hantiilay gaar ahi. Waa kii nidaamin lahaa, heerka adeeg ee tayo ahaan, tiro/xaddi ahaan, iyo qiimo ahaanba dadweynaha loogu adeegayo iyadoo adeeggaasi si gaar ahna looga faa'idaysanayo. Waxaanu asaasaa hay'ad rasmiya (Regulating Agency), isagaa nidaaminaya qaabka loola soconayo, korkana looga ilaalinayo si loo dhawro xuquuqda loo-adeegayaasha, isla markaana looga hortagi laaha ama loo maarayn lahaa caqabadkasta oo si lama filaana ah (risk management) uga hor timaadda ujeeddooyinkii guud iyo kuwii gaarka ahaa ee lagu heshiiyay.

Lamana arag dawlad masuuliyaddii iyo adeeggii xaqa loogu lahaa inta ay ku wareejiso dad gaar ah, haddana faraha ka qaadda, oo u kala baxda gooni-umacaashtadii iyo dadkii (adeeg-sugayaasha) uu xilku ka saarnaa.

By Garyaq. Maxamed Axmed Cabdi (Administrative Law lecturer)



Xigasho; Dikreetada Madexweynaha ka eeg halkan


Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi Oo Gacanta Dawladda Kusoo celiyay Maamulka Haamaha Berbera, Amniga & Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal.
Akhri Wareegto uu Madaxweynuhu soo saaray maanta oo u dhigan sidan;
“Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, Mudane Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxa uu wareegto madaxweyne oo summadeedu tahay JSL/XM/WM/222-178/082018, uu maanta ku shaaciyey in xukuumaddu La-wareegidda Hantida Dawladda ee Haamaha Berbera, Amniga iyo Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal.
Waxaanay u dhignayd Wareegtada Madaxweynuhu Sidan:-
Markaan Arkay:                  Qodobka 90aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland;
Markaan Arkay:                  Qodobka 14aad xubintiisa 1aad iyo Qodobka 54aad xubintiisa 1aad ee Dastuurka;
Markaan Arkay:                 Qodobka 3aad (2) (kh), 32 (2) (g), iyo 33 (2) (b) ee            Xeerka Hay’adda Duulista Madaniga ah ee Xeer        Lr.70/2017;
Markaan Arkay:                 Qodobka 6aad ee Xeerka Takaalifta Amniga Madaarada                      ee Xeer Lr. 61/2013;
Markaan Garwaaqsaday:In daryeelka iyo ilaalinta hantida guud ay tahay             waajib saaran xukuumadda, hantidaas oo hadii loo baahdo lagu wareejin karo kali ah, si sharciga waafaqsan, sida ku cad qodobka 12aad ee Dastuurka            dalka;
Markaan Xaqiiqsaday:     Mihiimadda ay leedahay la soo noqoshada hantida dawladda, oo il-duuf sharci ku jiro habka loo wareejiyay, maadaama aanu jirin Xeerka Iskaashiga Dawladda iyo Ganacsiga Gaarka ah (PPP Act);
Markaan Arkay:                 Mihiimadda ay leedahay in dawladdu la soo noqoto hanti-ahaan iyo maamul ahaanba Haamaha Shidaalka Berbera,  Adeegga Amniga Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal, iyo Baarkinka Madaarka Cigaal, sababo amni iyo dhaqaale awgeed;
Markaan Xaqiiqsaday:     In sii wadidda heshiisyadii lagu wareejiyey adeegyada bulshada ee ay xukuumaddu ka masuulka ahayd aanay ku jirin danta guud ee qaranka, isla markaana ay ka hor imanayso waajibka xukuumadda ka saaran ilaalinta hantida Qaranka iyo uga faa’iidaynta dant guud;
Markaan Helay:              Talo soo jeedinta guddida dhaqaalaha iyo horumarinta ee Heer Qaran iyo talo bixintii sharci ee heshiisyadii dhex-maray Xukuumadda iyo Shirkadahah BOG, SRM iyo EPASS;
Waxaan Go’aamiyey;
·         In la buriyay heshiisyadii lagu wareejiyay adeegyada: Haamaha Shidaalka (BOG), Adeegga Amniga Madaarada (SRM), iyo Adeega Baarkinka Madaarka Cigaal (EPASS).
·         In xukuumaddu ay gabi ahaanba ula soo noqotay si sharciga waafaqsan maamulkii, gacan-ku-hayntii, Adeegii iyo Qalabkii Haamaha shidaalka ee Berbera, Amniga Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal, iyo Adeegga Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal ee ay hayeen shirkadaha kala ah; BOG, SRM iyo EPASS.
·         In Wasaaradda Ganacsiga, Warshadaha Iyo Dalxiiska, Wasaaradda Horumarinta Maaliyadda, Hanti-dhawraha Guud ee Qaranka, Xisaabiyaha Guud ee Qaranka iyo Hay’adda Duulista Hawadu ay keenaan qiimaynta dhabta ah ee dhaqaalaha ay Shirkadaha BOG, SRM iyo EPASS ku maalgaliyeen Haamaha Shidaalka Berbera, Amniga Madaarkada Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal iyo Baarkinka Madaarka, soona xaqiijiyaan dhaqaalaha ay ka heleen.
·         In Wasaaradaha iyo Hay’adaha ay khusaysaa ka gutaan waajibkooda sharci ee fulinta qodobbadan kor ku xusan.
·         In Shaqaalihii ka hawl-galayey adeegyadani ay shaqadooda u sii wadanayaan si caadi ah.

Allaa Mahad Leh
Muuse Biixi Cabdi
Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somalil




Thursday, August 2, 2018

Almost Dying for the Story: On Michael Scott Moore’s “The Desert and the Sea: 977 Days Captive on the Somali Pirate Coast” By Tristan McConnell


JULY 24, 2018

I MET A PIRATE once. It was the summer of 2009 in Somaliland, and I’d made the hot drive across a scrub of desert date, myrrh, and acacia trees to Mandheera, a no-stoplight town. A couple of miles off the road stood the most prominent building in the area and Farah Ismail Eid’s home — a whitewashed, colonial-era prison.

Eid was something of a celebrity, being one of the only convicted Somali pirates who conceded his guilt and would agree to be interviewed. Later, at a prison in Berbera, one pirate declined my offer (“Fuck you,” he told me in surprisingly idiomatic English) while another simply spat at my feet before retreating into the sweaty dark of his cramped, shared cell.

Back then, piracy off Somalia’s lawless coast was a big story that worked on a number of levels: it resonated broadly — thanks to Johnny Depp’s Hollywood adaptations of a theme park ride — had a direct impact on the global economy by disrupting one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, full of oil tankers and cargo vessels, and was a genuinely new iteration of Somalia’s long-running chaos.

Eid told me the Somali pirate origin story: untrammeled illegal fishing by foreign trawlers, toxic waste dumped on the shore, depleted fish stocks and wrecked reefs, lack of opportunity in a shattered state that has suffered decades of clan-based civil war, the necessity of protecting your livelihood, even if it meant law-breaking, and the imperative to survive.

He was a victim, as he saw it. “These problems fell on us like rain,” he told me, with a poetic flourish. “We are quite aware that what we are doing is wrong, but this is a way of shouting to the world. The world should ask, ‘Are these people wrong or were they wronged themselves?’” It was a call-to-arms, and an apologia.

Few journalists have risked finding active pirates, and for good reason, given the risks. One of the few is American journalist Michael Scott Moore, who was betrayed by his hosts and spent close to three years in captivity. He relates the story in an enthralling memoir called The Desert and the Sea: 977 Days Captive on the Somali Pirate Coast (2018).

Moore was living in Germany when he found himself covering the trial of 10 Somali pirates in Hamburg in 2011 who had been involved in the failed hijacking of a German cargo ship. “[I]t seemed to me that a book about the case and some underreported aspects of Somali piracy might be interesting,” he writes. He was familiar with the sea, having written a previous book about the history of surfing.

His reporting initially takes him to Djibouti — a godforsaken chunk of scorched rock on the Gulf of Aden that consists mainly of ports, military bases, and sand — as well as to Nairobi, the Kenyan capital. He knows there’s more to know, “[b]ut I wavered about going to Somalia.”

During the trial, however, Moore meets a Somali clan elder who, he believes, can arrange safe passage from the central Somali town of Galkayo to the pirate village of Hobyo, 125 miles away on the Indian Ocean coast. In early 2012, Moore sets off. In Galkayo, he meets “the mayor of Hobyo” who, in a quintessential Somali-diaspora fashion, is a London bus driver when not flaunting his impressive, if hollow, job title.

Moore feels queasy while reporting in Somalia but buries his fears and carries on. He makes it safely to Hobyo and back, but it is on the relatively innocuous journey between Galkayo’s town and its airport that his trip goes terribly wrong. A Mad Max–style “technical” — a Toyota pickup with a heavy machine gun welded onto the flatbed, so named because foreigners hiring them for security in the early 1990s would reclaim the cost as “technical expenses” — stops his vehicle. Moore is wrenched from the car, beaten, and abducted. His glasses are smashed, after which “everything looked like Monet.”

The self-inflicted horror of his situation, and the journalistic hubris that brought him to it, dawns fast. “What did I think I would find around here?” Moore writes. “Pirates who trusted writers? Truth?”

Once he is captured, his kidnappers demand a “pathological” $20 million ransom from his mother, 72 years old and retired with her second husband in Redondo Beach, California. Foreigners held in Somalia have commonly been released for less than $1 million, but pirates, it turns out, are less often aggrieved fishermen like Eid. They are chancers, and stubborn, often inept ones.

That reality was mostly obscure at this time to Western editors who loved Somalia’s 21st-century pirates because they seemed to bleed romantic, renegade history onto the news pages. The story drew journalists from Nairobi and further afield. Most of us did secondhand reporting, speaking to self-declared experts, negotiators, shipping monitors, and shady ex-soldiers who would either airdrop plastic-wrapped bricks of cash onto hijacked vessels or retrieve hostages from dust-blown air strips.

Some journalists made more of an effort, attending pirate trials in the Kenyan port town of Mombasa and the Seychelles, visiting Eid in his jail cell to exchange khat for quotes, or joining the international naval patrols whose warships were intended to deter pirates in their little motorized skiffs. This was dangerous work. Colin Freeman, a London-based foreign correspondent for The Daily Telegraph, was nabbed by his own security guards and held for 40 days while attempting to cover Somali piracy in 2008, as recorded in his book Kidnapped (2011). Jay Bahadur, a young Canadian journalist — precocious, foolhardy, brave — rocked up in northern Somalia with some flimsy connections and a truckload of luck, eventually writing The Pirates of Somalia (2012). Years later, in 2015, James Verini wrote a compelling article for The New Yorker about the experience of pirate hostages, interviewing the surviving crew of the MV Albedo (captured in November 2010, freed in June 2014, a year after their boat had foundered in a storm off Hobyo). Moore showed great courage in going after the story at its source, and paid a huge price for it.

After weeks of shunting him from one dingy safe house to another in a series of SUVs, the pirates move Moore to the Naham 3 — an Omani-flagged Taiwanese trawler with a mixed Asian crew and a freezer hold filled with immense tuna and, grotesquely, the body of the vessel’s captain, shot dead during the hijacking. This shift underscores an important point about “Somali pirates,” which is that they are not really pirates at all, but opportunistic kidnappers who happened, mostly, to work at sea. The cargo was irrelevant and rarely touched, neither when it was millions of barrels of oil nor a freighter full of tanks and rockets.

Moore’s sense of hopelessness deepens as he reaches the rusting trawler. “For the first time in Somalia, but not the last, I considered suicide,” he writes. Fantasies of escape recur. They often take the form of a heroic blaze of glory — seizing an AK-47 from a dozy guard, rescue by Navy SEALs, or a leap to freedom from the gunwales (the latter he actually does, relishing fleeting moments of liberty in the sea, before his recapture) — but more often the escape he dreams of is suicide.

The struggle is constant, but throughout his captivity, hope penetrates the carapace of despair: Moore persists in using the LED torches on cheap cigarette lighters to signal to the presumably American drones that he hears buzz overhead, he tarries when ordered inside as light aircraft or helicopters fly by — as they regularly do, sometimes photographing the ship — and he risks smuggling German phrases identifying his location into the occasional phone calls home in which the pirates force him to beg for a ransom payment. Scrounging pens and notebooks, Moore jots down a series of scrappy prison diaries. Written where and when he can, and frequently confiscated as punishment or out of malice, these become “an essential refuge from prison.”

The other constant is the pirates’ inability to comprehend the gulf between their demands and Moore’s reality. In a moment of rare candor, a pirate guard called Dag, incredulous that Moore’s mother won’t pony up the ransom, desperately tells him he just wants “the Good Life,” the American Dream fed to him via television and smartphone. “I don’t have the Good Life, Dag. You guys kidnapped the wrong man,” Moore replies.

It is a measure of the misery of solitary confinement that Moore’s months at sea seem almost jolly in comparison to his time in the desert. There was a shared experience on the Naham 3, but no shared language, so the captives concocted a pidgin (“Hai dao loco-loco”: “Pirates crazy”), cooked for one another — including regular sashimi carved from the frozen tuna store — and watched Tom and Jerry DVDs. Most of his fellow hostages were “hip young Asian youth” who were either conned onto the trawler by unscrupulous employment agencies or lured by the promise of relative wealth. Moore has sympathy for the crew, but little for his captors, who are portrayed as cruel, sometimes comical and often stupid, a “bumbling criminal tag team” of guards, negotiators, and bosses united by greed and clan.

Moore’s talent for dark observational humor is used to great effect and leavens what might, in another writer’s hands, have been a relentlessly bleak book.

His eventual release, after the payment of an undisclosed though undoubtedly more modest ransom than initially demanded, and scratched together by his mother, offers almost instant Schadenfreude for the reader when his pirate captors get into a deadly altercation over the ransom. There follows a disappointingly short section dealing with Moore’s struggle to readjust to a liberty so long lost, which seems only to skim across the surface of a psychological distress that, one imagines, must linger.

Moore did not die for his story, but he suffered deeply and helplessly. Yet the book Moore has written, while clearly not the one he would’ve chosen, provides rare insight into Somali piracy and is an important addition to that most traumatic and illuminating genre of nonfiction, the hostage memoir.

¤

Tristan McConnell is a foreign correspondent in Nairobi, Kenya.

Published in LARB on July 24th, 2018

Thursday, July 26, 2018

QARANKAAB; WAXAY ISTUSTAY DADWEYNIHII IYO MADAXDII U ADEEGAYSAYE,MA JIRO WAX KALE OO LAGU HAYSTO




Inkastoonan anaan farsamo ahaan difaacayn Qaabka uu barnaamijka la magac baxay 'Qarankaab' u shaqeynayay, maadaamo oo aanan tafaasiil badan ka haysan nidaamka (methodology) uu u maray xog ururintiisa amaba uu xogahaasi u lafaguray marka ay samaynayeen qiimaynta ay inoo sheegeen. Waayo illaa imika maan fahmin miqyaaska ama halbeegga ay adeegsadaan waxa uu yahay, ee u suurtogaliyay inay si sax ah u qiimeeyaan hay'ado maamul oon isku imkaaniyaad ahay, hadday tahay miisaaniyad iyo farsamaba (shaqaale iyo qalab), waliba kale ujeeddo ah. 
Markaa waan qabaa marka aynu u raacno kalmadda 'qiimayn' in ay jiri karaan farsamo ahaan qaladaad, ama waxyaabo ka dhiman oo ceeb ku noqon kara natiijada qiimayneed ee lagu kala sarraysiiyay hay'adaha.

Haddii uu baranaamijku se leeyahay ceebo ama mad-madaw farsamo, ma qabo inay ujeeddadiisu xuntahay marka dhanka fiican laga eego. Cidda se ina leh ujeeddooyin gaar ah ayaa laga leeyahay, xujadu iyaday saantahay oo laga rabaa inay dadka u caddayso xaqiiqadaasi qarsoon. In badan ayaynu aragnay masuul xukuumadeed oo saxaafadda ku leh "igu soo caddeeya waxaad iga sheegteen", Taas teedii ayaa haysata Wasiirka Warfaafinta Guribarwaaqo waayo muu dhaliilin barnaamijka oo qudha, balse wuxuu wax ka sheegay daacadnimada cidda hawshani wadda. Sharci ahaan, ma jiro qof xaq u leh (darajaduu doono ha lahaadee) in uu ku eedeeyo qof kale waxaanu caddayn karin.
Taas haddaan intaas ku dhaafo, waxaan qabaa inuu barnaamijkani ujeedadii doonoba halaga lahaadee, uu kor u qaaday wacyigii bulshada oo ay dadku ogaadeen muhimadda ay leedahay inay la socdaan waxa ay hay'adaha dawladda ee kala duwani ay u qabtaan, isla markaana uu barnaamijkani uu noqday arrin ku kallifay inay qaar madaxda kamid ahi ka hadlaan waxqabadkooga. 
Haddii ay dadku ay xog ka waayeen dhankii haya'adaha, oo ay yartahay in aad hesho hay'ad leh websayd ay kaga warbixiso waxqabadyadeeda iyo barnaamijyadeeda, inta lehna aanay dib-u-cusboonaysiin joogta ah ku samayn wararkooga. Sidoo kalana aanu jirin hab cad oo u dammaanad qaadaya ciddii xog-raadinaysa (access to information), inay xogtaasi ka hesho hay'ada ay rabto inay adeeggeega wax ka ogaato, miyaanay dadweynaha u furnayn inay si kasta oo ay xog ku heli karto u rux-ruxdo meeshaasi degamsan?

Waxa dhacda inay madax badani inoo sheegaan warbixino ay xaqiiqadeeda buun-buuniyeen, iyo waxyaabo ay ku andacoonayaan inay qabteen oo aynaan si uga wada garaabin, maadaamo oo aanay ku salayn warkooda xaqiiqooyin sugan oo tirkoob ku dhisan (facts and figures) oo tilmaamaya runnimada sheekadooda, amaba aanu masuulku inoo caddayn halbeegga uu isku qiimeey marka uu ina leeyahay "waxbarashadii waan horumariyay",isagoo Dugsi dhawr qol ah furaya, ama uu ku kale leeyahay "caafimaadkii meel fiicanbuu marayaa intaan xilka hayay' isagoon sheegin adeeg la taaban karo oo inaga furtay culays hore oo jiray. Ma akaadamibaa taasi? kkk. Markaas madaxdu guud ahaan ma fasaxbay u haystaan inay waxay doonaan inoo sheegaan, run iyo been? Qof shicibana haddii ay ka maqlaan weedh uu ku saluugsanyahay adeeg-fulintoodana, ama uu soo gudbiyo in gaar ah oon ku qanacsanayn waxay madaxdu sheegto, ma waxa lagu aamusiinayaa "ma diiwaangashanid? ama ruqsad uma haystid in aad been shigtid sida madaxda ( waa haddii been u arkaan hadalkiisa)? Misa marka la deedafaynayo tiisa waxa lagu odhanayaa ma tihid qof akaadamiya, oo ma garanaysida waxaad ku hadlayso? Amaba umaad hadlin si akaadamik ah? iyo bla bla? Yaa inagu yidhi Akaadamik uunbaa wax sheegi kara?
Waxaan ku odhan lahaa madaxda, Iska dhagaysta wixii aad u aragtaan inayna akaadamik ahayn, annaguba wax badan oon akaadami ahayn ama cilmibaadhis ku dhisnaynbaanu idinka dhagaysannaaye, Xaqna waad u leedihiin inaad wax diiddaane, ama dareentaan in aragti qaldan la idinka fidiyay, amaba laga qaaday xafiisyada aad madaxda ka tahay, ama barnaamij kamid barnaamijyada uu wado, markaas xaq uma lihidin inaad awood wax-ku-saxdaane, waa inaad si macquul ah oo wax-qancin ah (persuasive means) kaga jawaab-celisaan.
Tallaabada uu qaaday Wasiir Guribarwaaqo ee ku lidk ah kooxda qaran kaab, waa falcelin caadifadaysan iyo cago-jugleyn awoodeed oon ku salaynayn nuxur iyo ujeeddo fog. in aanay nuxur lahaynna ama ujeeddo maamul oo cad,  waxa marag kuugu filan inay arrimaha la taaban karo ee uu qoraalkiisu ku eedaynayo Qarankaab ay yihiin kuwo aan dhaafanayn "Nidaam-maris la'aan" (procedural issue not a substantive issue) tusaale ahaan "fasax looma haysan"  hawshan la qabtay, iyo looma marin nidaam cilmiyeed qaabka  wax loo qaabtay.

Su'aashe la isweydiinayaa waxa weeyi, si la idiin qiimeeyo haddaad tihiin xukuumadii ama masuuliyiinteediiba, ma ruqsadbaa la idinka qaadanayaa? ma se la aamini karaa kuwaad dadka ka dhex doorataan ee aad ruqsadda u siisaan qiimeyntiinna ? ma se laga yaabaa, inay cid idin qiimeyn kartaa oo leh awooddeedii farsamo ay idinka heli lahayd ruqsaddaasi marka la eego siday maanta falcelintiinnu tahay?
Su'aalahaas haddaan u dhaafo dadweynaha, tan akaadami la'aanta ee ku duray nidaamka farsamo ee barnaamijkani ku shaqeynayo, oo ah doodda ugu dhaw een anba ku raaci karo Wasiirka, sidan xagga sare ku soo sheegayna anba aan u arkay in aanu habraaciisu caddayn (Methodology). Wuxuu se wasiirku isba ogyahay in marka indho cilmiyeed wax ku lafagurayo aanay sida uu uga falceliyay arrintani anaay ahayn hab akaadamiya. Qoraalka wasaaraddu inama siinin xog-cilmiyeed cusub oo si xeeldheer u naqdinaysa farsamada Qarankaabtu adeegsatay, sidoo kalana qoraalku ma soo-jeedin tallooyin sheegaya sidii ay sax ay wax ku ahaan lahaayeen marka la doonayo in la sameeyo qiimayn wax-qabad oo natiijadeeda lagu qancin karo,
Wasiir Guribarwaaqo waxay ahayd in uu ka aqoon-yahan ahaan saxo innamada iyo barnaamijkooda, una iftiimiyo waxyaabaha ka dhiman ee hagaajin kara kalsoonida ay tahay in lagu qabo qiimayntooda. Balse may ahayn in Akaadiminnimada iyo Ruqsad-bixinta Maamul ay noqdaan wax la isku cabsigaliyo, ama la isku halawsado marka aynu u aragno in waxa la wadaa ay saamayn ku yeelan karto masuuliyaddeena. 
Barnaamijkani iyo kuwo lamida ahiba  bar-bilaw fiican u noqon karaan kuwa kale oo farsamo ahaan iyo baaxad ahaanba ka heersarreeya oo wax lagu ogaado halka ay dadweynaha iyo adeeg-bixiyayaasha dadweynuhu kala taaganyihiin, Waxaanay horseed u noqon lahaayeen bisayl bulsho iyo dadka oo uu garaadkoogu ka koro ardaayada reeraha, oo u guntada sidii ay wax ula qabsan lahaayeen cidda wax u qabanaysa ee ay arkaan in aanay taagteeda waxba kala hadhin.  Kuwa aan wax-tarka lahayn ee kuraasta buuxiyayna, aan loogu xilqariyeen amaba aan laga ogolaadeen in aanu ku dhex-dhuuman guuxa kuwa kale ee aanu waxba ku lahayn,
Markaas waxaan soo jeedin lahaa, in aan aragti kooban oo siyaasadeed iyo dano-gaar ahaaneed lagu horistaagin hal-abuurka cusub ee ay ka dhalan karto ujeeddooyin fog-fog wax-badali kara. Tan iyo kuwa kale oo lamida oo kor-uqaadaya kala-warhelista shacabka iyo cidda u adeegaysaa waa arrimo u baahan in la taageero, wixii nidaam ahaan ka qaldan ama awood ahaan ka qabyo ahna la saxo.  
Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul 

Wednesday, June 6, 2018

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID THE TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH. By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul


SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID  THE TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH.

 By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (waddi12@gmail.com)

Advocate Ba'alul.

Exporting southern troubles to the north will not be a solution for the war-torn population in Mogadisho and Kismayo. Being free from war businesses in Somalia, Farmajo’s presidency seems to be a glimpse of hope for those who learned his appearance in Shekh Sharif's interim government. Because of his inexperience and untested personality, Farmajo seems to be unwise when he was tempted into Arb’s tug-of-war games.

Although Sool was politically unresolved contention, it is evident that Puntland, before Farmajo’s tenure, were unwilling to attain its territorial claims through deadly military engagements.  Last months,  It was evident that Farmajo were doing whatever he could to disturb Somaliland’s investment opportunity, in which Dubai and Ethiopia are expected to develop the infrastructure of Ber-bara port.  Farmajo was doing this to please his Qatari and Turkish patrons, disregarding the development that this investment will contribute to the region. He mobilized his Mogadisho Parliament to ridiculously outlaw the tripartite treaty, and ousted Jaware (Chairman of parliament) who appeared to be confused with the substance of that motion. Respectively, they never stopped to call the Security Council attention to terminate the investment deal, and now, enough to sink the ship; Farmajo is building up armies and weapon in the name of Darodism along the border.

Before those manipulations, Puntland as next door, it had shared common things with Somaliland.  Both administrations had demonstrated gesture of friendship and cooperated in many aspects ranging from security to Commerce, and social movements as well.  The political stability and the resilience of Somaliland provided a model of  institutionalization for Puntland—which is the only region that succeeded to build up a functioning administration in Somalia.  Its insistence to do business with UAE in defiance to the Federal policies which came after Somaliland's handshakes with Emirate, is a good reflection.

If we put it in Somaliland’s Perspective, despite of maritime competition, the latest transaction between UAE and Garowe was seen a good direction. Mostly people argue that they have a right to develop their Bosaso infrastructure in the same way that Mogadisho improved its air and seaports with the Turkish investments. Recent Military incursions are not taken to the extreme, but if asked Somalilanders will not refuse to admit what the stability of Puntland's polity means to them, since it provides Somalialnd a buffer against the stresses of South.

What makes Sool and Sanaag to be a contentious issue was not the cross-bordering tribalism that is recently activated by Garoowe administration.  These claims were not  heard before Abdillahi Yousuf came into the sight in 1998. It is him, who told that including Dhulbahante and Warsengali figures in Garowe conference was not more than a political maneuver aimed to disturb Somaliland's Effort toward recognition. On the other hand, Somaliland had no interventionist policy and the proof is that it had done nothing to interrupt the arrangements of Puntland's First Conference, whereas Mr Yousuf admitted in his Halgan and Hagardamo book his involvement in that Sool and Sanag-related conspiracies before the foundation of his Garowe bureaucracy .

It is good for Puntland's unskilled leader, and his colleague, Farmajo, to read the memoir of their Forefather (Abdillahi Yousuf) before they answer whether Tukaraq is a worth-fighting issue or not.  Today Las-anod is left to itself and its public directly choose their local councils; since Garoowe had failed to get its first elected Mayor.  The basic question that one should ask himself/herself Is whether the Abdulhakeem Amey of Puntland  is the true advocate for Sool people, or the 25 councilors whom they supported with their votes?

If Puntland claims on Sool and Sanaag territories on the basis of its blood-relation are reasonable; it should define its attitude towards the people whom their relatives are coexisting; are they casted from another planet? It is shame for Abdiwali, to engage his peace-loving people into the uncertainty of a brand-new, ethnicity-related hostility. He was thought to be as wise as any civilized academician. No one can deny that the heat of internal political campaigns are using Sool and Sanaag issue as tortuous test against him. Because his dissidents knew that this subject can't fail to be an slap on the face. Far from being constructive, he succumbed to that short-sighting pressures and started to inflame worn-out, inter-clan animosities by portraying the presence of Somaliland troops in that regions as an intrusion of Isak dynasty.

Previously, Abdillahi Yousuf had failed to adopt his Nazi-like pan-darodism advocacy, when lower juba Marehans of Kismayo refused to be dictated from Graroowe, and chose non clan-related  alliance with another group (Hawiye, eyr).  Whereas Ogadens conceded to be Ethiopian Somalis and recognized the international borders. So what make Abdiwali's approach more reasonable? Is there a well-defined social topography that demarcates Harti-clans from their neighboring clans?

 Whatever their clans,  Sool and Sanaag populations are interwoven society. They are ecologically compelled to live side by side, despite of their lineage diversity. The socio-economic structure of this area is non-urbanized, sparsely populated, where lives of its communities depend on sharing pasture and water. That is why the dissidence of Diaspora and certain office-holders in Garoowe are inciting things which they did not set in the real context.

Yes, there are many things that are wrong in the make-up of Somaliland’s political structure. And I believe that wrongs cannot be righted by those who hang-out in Garoowe, but by those whom the life and the development of their constituency is concerned. Although Somaliland is not a politically repressive or restricted environment, it has to do more to demonstrate its willingness to actually respond to the political grievances of Sool and Sanaag people.

There should be more openness and flexibility from the part of the government, whenever the question of what the future of Somaliland's statehood holds for non-isaks, is on the table. Thanks to intellectuals like Ali Khalif, Ahmed Samatar and Hagle-tosiye who shared the conviction that says 'Sool and Awdal should not treat themselves as the guests that wait to be served, but they should stand to the ‘heat of the political kitchen'.

Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (waddi12@gmail.com), 063 44 88011. 



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