SOMALILAND: MA QAADI KARTAA LABA DOORASHO OO ISA SAARAN?

Oct. 4th 2014

Wda-qabashada Doorashooyinka Madaxtooyada iyo wakiiladu ayaa muuqata inay tahay arrin ay isku raaceen axsaabta siyaasadda iyo doorashooyinka. Heshiiskani uma muuqdo mid ay dhinacyadu raali ku wada yihiin, balse waa mid dhan waliba u qaatay si uu kan kale jiq ugu siiyo.  Xaajadu waa “ dhan kastaba ha lagu qado”. Marka ay siyaasiyiintu noqdaan kuwa isku muuqda, waxay isla dulmaraan dadka iyo dalkaba. Maaha, heshiisku mid lagu gaadhayo xal dib loogu saxayo qabyada iyo qalloocii jiray, balse waa  mid lagaga baxsanayo xiisaddii-khilaafeed ee jirtay, la iskuna aamusayo iyadoo la arkayo cawaaqibka ka dhalan kara waxa la isku gacan-qaadayo. Dadkuna markan iyagoo gabiyo kasii dhacaya ayaanay iska qaban.

In la sameeyo doorashooyin isa-saar ah waqtigan, waxa dadka loogu sheegay inay keentay dhaqaale yaraan. Waa sabab u eeg macquul, marka hal goob-codbixineed la dhigo  laba sanduuq oo u kala taagan laba xilli-doorasho. Codbixiyuhuna hal mar wada doorto wakiilkiisa iyo madaxweynihiisaba.  kharashkii hal-doorasho ku bixi lahaana, loo adeegsaday laba doorasho oo isku dhaqaale iyo hawlba ahaan lahaa. Su’aashu  se waxay tahay, Somaliland miyay garan wayday is-raacintan,intay qabanaysay doorashooyinkii isdaba-socodka? Misa xaaladda dhaqaale ee maantu way ka liidataa tii waqtiyadi hore ? Hadday sidaasba tahay,  korodh miisaaniyadeedyadan sannada walba  la inoo sheegaa hadaba ma beenbaa? Misa qaadhaan-bixiyaashii ayaa doorkan inoo aamusay?

Muwaadin,haddaad adigu sababaha dhaqaale qaadatay, anigu kulama qabo. Una malayn maayo in uu dhaqaalaha doorashooyinku yahay caqabadda jirta ee keentay in la isa-saaro doorashada Madaxweynaha iyo tan wakiilada.  Balse caqabada jirtaa waxaan aaminsanahay inay tahay, indha la’aanta damac  ee siyaasi-ismoodkeena. Mar haddii xil-kordhin xukuumadeed noqday arrin la iskaga dhaartay, iyaguna,  wakiiladii muddo-dhaafka ahaa u sheege, in aanay xilka kaga sii dambayn oo hal mar la wada gali doono garoonka.

Hadaba, in la yidhaahdo laba dhadhaar oo ka mid ah, dhadhaaradii qaranku ku fadhiyay loollan hal mara ha wada galaan, waxay ila tahay, dawladnimadii oo lagu khamaaray. Doorashooyinku waa marxalad siyaasadeed oo cawaaqibkeeda la sii oddorosin karin. Markaas maaha,  in la inoo hadoodilo khataraha ka dhalan kara doorashooyinkan isa-saaran.Ogow, in uu seeskii qaranku dumay,  haddii uu khal-khal galo hannaanka codbixinta ama natiijadeedaba noqoto mid dhinacyadii ku loollamayay ku qanci waayeen amaba, aan helin kalsoonidii dadweynaha. Sababtoo waxaynu hal mar kala-dirnay baarlamaankii iyo xukuumaddii , waxa qudha ee laga  tagayna waa Golahan Guurtida, ee illaa maanta lagu dhiiran laayahay xeer-doorasheedkeesii . Miyayna markaas ahayn doqonnimo kale oo tii lixdankii ka daran, mar haddaynu ka faaidaysan waynay waayo-aragnimadeenii hore. Miyaynaan u dumin, waxaynu maal iyo naf usoo hurnay si aynu u raali galinno rag kursi-ku-dirir ah. .

Dadka qaar ayaa laga yaabaa inay meesha ka saaraan hubaal la’aan siyaasadeed (Political uncertainty) oo ka dhalata doorashooyinka madaxtooyada iyo wakiilada ee isa-saarka ah. Kuwaasi oo ku doodaya in hannaanka farsamo ee doorashoyinkan loo samaynayaa uu yahay mid la isku hallayn karo. Doodda noocan ahi, maaha mid macquul ah, waayo hore ayaynu usoo aragnay qalab xog-keydiye ahaa oo  sidii la filayay u shaqayn waayay. Masiirka qarankan ee inoogu taaganyahay naf , maal iyo waqti badan oon dib loo heli Karin, mana qaadan karno  in la yidhaahdo maanta waxa lagu aaminayaa Mishiin ama seerfar yar oo dalkale lagu soo farsameeyay.

Marka laga yimaado, farsamada iyo dhaqaalaha, hannaan doorasheedkuna waxa la baaxaadagayaa caqabado sharciyeed oo aan waxba laga qaban. Gobol-doorasheedyada dalkana oo illaa doorashooyin hore abuuray khilaafyo deegaan iyo codbixineed ayaan illaa maanta si rasmi ah xeer loogu kala xadayn. Sidoo kale  hannaan doorasheedkeenu malaha Nidaam Garsooreed rasmiya (Electoral Justice System)  iyo xeer ciqaabeed qeexaya fal-dambiyeedyada la xidhiidha Doorashooyinka (electoral offences). Mana sugna illaa maanta waxa laga yeelayo, qofka foorjar-gareeya waraaqaha codbixinta, si aan sharci ahayn u liisgareeya amaba u saxeexa waraaq-codbixineed, ama fidiya warbixin been ah, ama marin-habaabin ah oo la xidhiidho warqaaha codbixinta iyo tirintoodaba. Lama garan karo fal-dambiyeedka lagu qaadayo masuul xisbi ama xukuumadeed ee si sharci darro usoo faro-galiya goobaha codbixinta. Sidoo kale,ma jiro nidaam sharciyeed oo lagula xisaabtamo, masuuliyad darrada iyo xilgudashada la’aanta ka timaada Gudida Doorashooyinka iyo hawl-wadeenaday usii igmatay waajibaadkeegaasi.

Iyadoo ay taasi jirto, in sidii doorashadii dhawayd ee golaha deegaanka indhaha lagu kala qaado, boob iyo wax-isdaba-marin doorasheed oo aan cidna lagula xisaabtamin fal-dambiyeedyadaasi iyo masuuliyad darradaasi, maaha wax mar kale loo dulqaadan karo. Doorashooyinkanina waa heer qaran,waanay ka xumad iyo xasaasiyad badanyihiin kuwii hore, sidaa darteed waxaan ku talin lahaa, in labada doorasho ee Madaxtooyada iyo Wakiilada la kala qaado. Mar haddii uu hannaan doorasheedkeenu aan wali gaadhin heer uu farsamo ahaan,dhaqaale ahaan iyo sharci ahaanba isbixyo. Sidoo kalana lasii eego cawaaqibka iyo waxyaabaha suurtagalka ah ee saamayn ku yeelan kara deganaanshaheena siyaasadeed iyo xasilloonid guud ee qaranka.

                     Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES AND THE INCREASING GRADUATE UNEMPLOYMENT.

By Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’aluul ( waddi12@gmail.com)

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. 

  Since the last decade, Universities mushroomed in Somaliland. The announcement of a University becomes as easy as opening a new hotel. It will not be a surprising, when you are in an environment where the private sector is outrunning the public one. Taking advantage of the market forces, economic opportunities, policy and legal gaps, Universities are seen as a worthy treasure. As a result of that, the number of private universities is growing within the past ten years.

I do not intend to go through the academic qualities of Universities, since I am not an academician or an experienced professor of that kind. But I preferred to hint on the interrelationship between the higher education and our economic policies. It is apparent that the growing number of Universities is responsive to the overwhelming demands of secondary graduates. Since the existing public universities had no adequate facilities and academic capacity to meet the growing enrollments, Somaliland’s higher education tends to be a profit-making hub for business-minded entrepreneurs. Due to the absence of higher education policies, pre-conditional standards both academically and institutionally, the establishment of Universities become such a fortnight dream that could be attainable within days.

 As the academic philosophies were hijacked by the individual pursuits for profit and market, the government has done nothing to address or to respond to the apparent gaps within the academic structures and the institutional viabilities of our universities. The structural foundations of the so-called private universities could be exposed to question. Because, simply most of them had no immovable addresses since they do their business in a rented and family-designed buildings that are not suitable for academic purposes. Whilst the Ministry of education had no structural and institutional capacities to develop and implement higher education policies necessary for the direction of our universities.

The quality approach is more important than the quantity one, when we stand in the educational arena. So the proliferation of universities, graduation ceremonies, heap of hollow degrees, and chronic oversupply of idle graduates is a pressing challenge that remains to be unaddressed yet. Due to loosened enrollment policies, student-pleasing examination systems, and fee-oriented strategies, less attention have been given to the academic qualities of the students. Lack of adequate vocational schools and police academies could be attributable to the increasing demands of university enrollments.

The role of Universities in the national development

Since the incumbency of president Silanyo, Ministry of Planning had drafted Country’s National Development Plan. If Somaliland government is serious this time to put this five years-long plan in to action, rather than using it as a bait for foreign aids and investments, the role of Universities had to be placed under policy considerations.

The preparation of first coherent development model is the first step of a long and challenging journey. In practical terms, the government should revitalize our local universities to link them to the national plan. This could not be possible, unless we establish a separate institution for the administration of higher education that is empowered with experienced scholars who worked in international universities.

The substance of the National Development Plan centers on the improvement of the economy. The only way we can improve the living standard, is to increase income per capita which could not be possible without increasing productivity, or output per hour worked. In this regard, labour utilization (the number of hours worked per hours in a year) and labour productivity (the output per hour worked) are the real indicators of our production level. For this reason, you can understand the outlook of our economy while the 75% percent of our youth are unemployed as reported in 2011 by UNDP (IRIN 2011). It is a shocking rate, because unofficial estimates of that time showed 65-70 of Somaliland’s 3.5 million people are younger than 30. Also, Studies carried out in December 2010 by the Somaliland National Youth Organization (SONYO), with Oxfam Novib, indicated that out of 800 people interviewed; only 25 percent are employed.

In response to the chronic unemployment which is the depth of our economic obstacle, the government should come up with clear-cut policies and strategies to reduce this difficulty. As long as graduates are the highest rates among the 65 percent of urban unemployment, it is also government’s role to study why the market failed to absorb the products of our local universities. Fact-finding researches that are specifically targeting graduate unemployment would provide the possible options for future solutions.

Somaliland government did little to promote the role of universities in the national productivity. Because it become increasingly embroiled in internal power struggles or underestimated the merits of higher education when it comes to development policies. Although, government interference is not always appreciated in the arena of higher education, but it should not have adopted the “leave universities alone” approach. When you look in to the number of graduates, the stagnant development, the number of grads working at jobs unrelated to their studies, the living standard, you might have a reason to be suspicious about the role of Universities in the national development. There are also extreme parties who hold that Universities are the source of idle, arrogant and empty-pocketed graduates who never dared to do non-desk jobs that society needs. Yes, if the government let the things go that way; our higher education could be ‘a luxury ancillary ‘nice-to-have but not necessary-in part. Because it is difficult to see the contribution that universities are making to the development; In part because of the prolonged economic stagnancy and the high costs associated with the universities.

 We cannot utilize or manage our physical capital properly unless we improve the quality of our human capital. Before we jump in to the question of unemployment, one should assure whether we have produced professionally competent and practically efficient graduates that could translate our physical resources in to economic development. Academic relevance of local graduates in terms of our economic policies or productivity ambitions is also another factor that needs to be placed under a research question.

RECOMMENDATIONS;

1. There should be a clear and agreed policies or strategies in the development model and the role of higher education at national and institutional levels.    
2. Higher Education Commission should be restructured and developed into separate institution with responsibilities and goals established by a parliamentary Act.
3. The state should acknowledge that knowledge drives the growth development. In other words, knowledge should be considered as a key to economic development.
4. It is necessary for the government and universities to place emphasis on investments on the basic healthcare, agricultural production and primary education.
5. Universities should focus on more practical vocational training that will helpfully generate students that can find quicker employment and make difference in our country.
6. The government should improve incentive structure; create policies and implementation at national and institutional levels in order to connect universities more effectively to our development goals.

                                                                      The end

                                                 Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul.

DIIWAANGALINTA MADANIGA AH EE MAANTU, MA WAA XEELADBAA MISA WAA XIL-GUDASHO?

Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul

Garyq Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul. 

Iyada oo aanu xeerkii diiwaangalinta Madanigu soo bixin, oo uu wali yahay mashruuc sharci aan marin xataa marxalad doodeedkii horraanta sharcidajinta ee horraanta ahaa,ayaa durba waxa soo ifbaxaya khilaaf siyaasadeed oo ku waajahan diiwaangalintaa. Xukuumada iyo Axsaabta mucaaridka oo ku kala tagsan diiwaangalinta muwaadinka, ay mid waliba bilaabay olalayaal warbaahineed oo dhinac kastaba ku rabo in uu kasbado taageero shacab.

Lama diidana inay diiwaangalinta muwaadinku tahay arrin loo baahanyahay. In la sugo tirakoobta muwaadiniinta ku kala nool degmooyinka iyo goboladu waxay fududaynaysaa qorshaynta maamul ee lagu fidinayo adeegyada bulshada iyo wax-qabadyada horamarineedba. Sidoo kale waxay noqonaysaa marjac iyo sees laga duulo, haddii nabadgalyada la sugayo, la baadhayo fal-dambiyeedyo, amaba la hubinayo korodhka tirada guud ee dadweynaha ku dhaqan dalka. Maadaamo oo ay hadaba  ka qaybqaadasha arrimaha siyaasadu tahay xaqa kaliya ee muwaadinku gaar u leeyahay ee aanay la wadaagin dadka ajaanibku, waa qasab in uu muwaadinku yeesho sumada aqoonsi oo xaqiijinaysa jinsiyaddiisa. Diiwaangalinta madaniga ahina,waa habka lagu helayo aqoonsigaasi muwaadin. Walaw aan odhan karo, arrintan dambe ee siyaasadda ku lug leh, ayaa ah tan aadka loo sii buun-buuniyay ee abuurtay buuqa badan iyo muranka axsaabta iyo xukuumada ka dhex oogan maanta.

Waxa maanta la isku hayaa maaha waxay axsaabta iyo xukuumadu mid waliba dhankiisa uu warbaahinta inooga sheegayo. Waxa la isku hayaa maaha, diiwaangalinta muwaadinka, lamana diidana inay tahay waajib guud oo qaran oo inoo wada yaala, meelmarinta iyo fulinteeduna inay tahay waajib xukuumadeedna lama diidi karo. Waxa qudha ah ee la isku hayaa,waa waqtiga la filayo inay qaadan doonto. Axsaabta mucaaridku waxay ku doodayaan in diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta ku kala filiqsan dalku tahay hawl baaxadeeda leh oo aan lagaga gayoon Karin mudada ka hadhay doorashada Madaxtooyada. Tanina way ka ballaadhantahay tii codbixyaha ee inta qaangaadhka ah ee qudha la diiwaagalinayay. Sidaa darteedna waxay leeyihiin xukuumadu iyadoo og jiitanka hawshan ayay rabtaa inay bilowdo xilli ay xeedho iyo fandhaal kala dhaceen, si ay xilkordhin ugu hesho, doorashooyinkana dib looga dhigo.

Walaw ay doodani macquultahay, shakina kaa gali karo sida aanay xukuumadu lafteedu uga daacad ahayn diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta iyadoon ka lahayn ajandayaal siyaasadeed. Sababtoo ah, haddii ay tahay xilgudasho qaran oo ay dadka iyo dalka u qabanayso maxaynu uga maqli waynay diiwaangalinta madaniga ah, intay ka hadlaysay jidka ceerigaabo, muddo afar sanadood  iyo badh ah ayay xilka haysaye? Maxay kaadhka codbixiyaha ugu xidhay kan Muwaadinka waqtigan?

Walaaca ay xisbiyadu mucaaridku ka muujiyeen qabsoomida doorashooyinku, laftiisu maaha mid gar ah. Xisbiyada mucaaridku waxay qeyb ka ahaayeen, heshiiskii lagu laalay diiwaangalintii codbixiyaha ee hore, iyagoo intuba ku mar-marsoodeen in uu mad-madow iyo qaladaad badan ku jireen  diiwaangalintii lagu qabtay doorashadii madaxtooyada. Waxayna run ahaantii, u laaleen diiwaangalintaasi, markii ay soo waajahday cabsi ay  Saddexdaniba ka sinnaayeen. Cabsidaasi oo ahayd inay waayaan Ucid iyo Kulmiye waayaan xisbinnimadoodii, halkaururka  Wadanina uu ka baqayay inuu waayo rajadiisii xisbinnimo. Waqtigan oo la filaayay inay doorashadii Golaha Deegaanku ay albaabka u furi doonto tar-tan baaxadleh oo ay ururo siyaasadeed oo cusubi ugu halgami doonaan xisbinnimadii ay talada qaran kaga qayb gali lahaayeen. Maanta, hadaba maxaynu kaga baxsan karnaa diiwaangalin kale oo leh mad-madaw amaba doorasho bilaa diiwaangalin ah oo la isboobo?, Maxaa se lagu aqoonsanayaa qofka xaqqa u leh codbixinta,mar haddii ay xisbiyadu kasoo horjeesteen diiwaangalintii lagu xaqiijin lahaa muwaadinkii lahaa xaqa codbixinta ? Sideebaanay markaas diiwaangalinta codbixiyuhu u suurto gali kartaa iyodoon lahayn tii muwaadinka?

Marka hadaba la isku eego labada doodood ee mucaaridka iyo muxaafidka ah,waxa kuu soo baxaya inay labaduba siday iyaguba sheegtaan ay yihiin daneeyayaal doorasho. Diiwaangalintam Madaniga ee muranka dhalisayna  ay noqotay arrin aan laga lahayn falsafad-wadaniyeed oo dhaafsiisan ajandayaal siyaasadeed iyo doorashooyinkan waqtiilah ah. Diiwaangalinta Madaniga ah iyo dooddan ku saabsan ahmiyadeedu, waa afgoobaadsi xukuumadee. Sababtoo ah Lamay sugteen maanta. hadday tahay arrintani mid ka dhab ah oo ka go’an. Mucaaridkuna, waa “nin meeli u caddahay meeli ka madow” waxa iyagana u muuqda doorasho, sidii la doonaba ha lagu galee. Waxa u muuqdo ifafaalo dib-u-riixi kara cod-bixintaasi iyo guurti dhaga nugul. Diiwaangalintan guud ee uu ku jira ilmaha caawa dhashay, maxbuuska iyo kan waalan een codaynta lahayni, iyaga macno-badan uguma jiro, siddaa darteed waxay ka jecelyihiin in loo naqeeyo inta codayn karta ee damacoogu ku xidhanyahay.

Hadaba muxuu yahay xalku?

Waa ayaan darro inaad aragto, shisheeyihii la lahaa waa deeq-bixiyayaal oo dalkii uga lexjeclo badan kuwii dalkan ee u dhashay ee xukunka hayay iyo kuwii u hanweynaaba. Kaaga sii darane, aad aragto waliba iyagoo u ashkatoonaya shisheeye aan dan ka lahayn, halkay iyagii danta iyo dalkuba ka dhaxeeyay ay arrimihii gudahooda yaalay ay ahay inay wada dhammaystaan. U ma shaqayaan siyaasiyiinteenu Midawga Yurub, haddaynu taageero inoo fidiyaana maaha inaynu talona udaba fadhiisano.  

Xalku wuxuu yahay in wadahadal foolka-fool ah la wada yeesho, iyadoo danta-guud,midnimada iyo jiritaanka qarranimo ee la wadaago la siinayo tixgalinta koowaad. Waa in si cilmiyaysan oo aan caadifad iyo cudur ku jirin looga doodo wixii danta umadu ku jirto, oo aan laysku gacan-qaadin xal kooban oo doorasho-ku-gaadh ah. Maaha in diiwaangalimahani iyo caqabadihii doorashooyinkii hore, oo ah kuwan maanta inaga hor yimid ay mustaqbalka dambana noqdanaan kuwo aan laga gudbin oo sidan oo kale lugta ina qabta.

Sidaa darteed waxaan ku talin lahaa in aynu oodaha siday u kala sarreeyaan u kala gurno. Arrimahuna siday u kala mudanyihiin u kala horraysiino, inagoo ku miisaamayna hawlahani siday dhaxal-gal ugu kala yihiin dhismaha siyaasadeed ee qaranku yeelan doono isla markaana aan lagu raali-galinayn deeqbixiye iyo dano gaar ah oo ku eeg muddo kooban. Sidaa awgeed waxan la gudboon Siyaasiintu inay la yimaadaan bisayl aragtiyeed oo lagaga saaro dadkan dhibaatooyinka haysta, balse aanay iyaga iyo doorashooyinkuba ku noqon dhib kale oo u dheer toodii hore.

Guntii iyo gabo-gadiina,waxaan odhan lahaa, xisbiyada mucaaridku ha la yimaadaan aragti iyo mowqif dhex-dhexaada oo lagu hirgalin karo diiwaangalinta Madaniga ah ee la rabo inay marjac u noqoto doorashooyinka dambe ee dalka ka qabsoomi doona oo dhan. Intay tirinayaan mudada u hadhay Silaanyona, waxa igala habboon inay tiriyaan mudadaynu arrintaasi ku qabsan lahayn. In laga wada shaqeeyo sidii loogu dabagali lahaa gudashada hawlahan mihiimka ah xukuumada. Xukuumaduna waxa la gudboon inay fur-furto siyaasadeeda, lana timaado talo-wadaag,  iskana fogayso wax kasta oo keeni kara in loo arko siyaasadayn barnaamijkan diiwaangalineed.  Waana inay Muwaadiniint si siman oo hufnaani ku jirto u diiwaangaliso oo aanay kala godobsan. Kadibna aynu isku diyaarino sidii looga wada qayb gali lahaa doorashooyin laga sii tiray qodaxda oo lagu wada  kalsoonyahay nidaamka loo qabtay iyo natiijada kasoo baxdaba.

Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul (waddi12@gmail.com)

ALI BANFAS ; THE SOMALILAND ODYSSEUS, AND THE CHAMPION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION.

By Advocate: Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul(waddi12@gmail.com).       22^nd Oct, 2013

                                                   

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul

Today, the sky is heavy with dark clouds and our hearts with the sadness of Ali Hassan Adan’s departure. He was popularly known, as Ali Banfas. Banfas means more than a surname, it demonstrates his artistic talents in the Somali literature, it was a title in which he earned when he won the competition of Somali artistic show ( Bandhiga fanka Somaaliyeed) in 1976. He was a man with multiple personalities, a most loved teacher, an outspoken dissident poet in a time that walls had ears, and the air was thick with the fear of Siad Barre’s repressive regime. No one was daring to say a word or express a gesture that can be interpreted as a critic or dissidence against the System. Unlike most of those who lived that time, Banfas never succumbed to the intimidations and Brutalities of the dictator’s men, but shook his words with castles of oppression and woke up the arrogant blood-sucking vampires from their nests… the high ranking Generals and Captains. His poetical awareness was a nightmare that haunted them and taught them, they will never get away with their cruelty.

Banfas, though conceptually was analogous to Siad Barre's critics, he was artistically different from the revolutionist poets . He never hesitated to be proud with the nobility of his origin as an Isak-blooded man and Hargiesawi too. He was not wrong about that, because Isak-cleansing was the principle of the repressive campaigns’ in which the regime launched against Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao and Erigavo. With bravery, he stood for his ideals, his determination for freedom, and his position in human dignity. In the face of the arbitrary judges of the regime’s notorious courts, he broke the walls of silence with his strong rhymes; spoke out loudly against the repressive policies. Mocking judges and prosecutions wiped beads of sweat from their foreheads, embarrassed with the truth of his poetical revelations. While women and children were cheering and ululating outside vicinity of the court, tingling with the sense of patriotism as they heard Banfasi’s daring response from the speakers. 

“Oh Bidhiidh,do not let the fear overwhelm your senses,

The time is changing! ( Ha u biqin Bidhiidhaw waqtigu ways badalayaaye)

It is the most remembered verse of his inspiring poem at that moment—-A lion remains to be a lion even if it is behind bars.

It was not message for Bidhiidh only, an inmate who shared the chains with him. This ill-treatment, torture and degrading practices were the common fate shared by inmates in detention  facilities and police stations. 

Mujahid Ali was not a man of words; he was also a man of action. He would have served 15 years, but he got  back his freedom, as a result of carefully orchestrated Military operation of SNM fighters who conquered Mandhera Prison in  January 1983.This successful combat which was known as Bad-baado ( The Rescue Mission) was led by Mohamed Hashi Dirie ( lihle )…..a senior Commander in SNM warriors . According to the context of his poetry works, Banfas was always optimistic about future. He assured that there was always a light at the end of the tunnel.

“The roar of explosions around me

Are the symbol of my rescue”….( Inaan garab haysto, gariirka agtayd ayaan ka gartaaye…..)

It was a poem he made when he was inside the prison. As they heard the sound of sporadic fires behind the walls, the sense of smile came back to the desperate faces of the inmates, his colleagues….the woods of hell. The time has changed…..and after few hours, the whole place was covered with smoke and blaze, as the dead bodies of the notorious prison guards and tormenters were piled up in the corridors of the jail.

 “The time had changed”…as Banfas foretold.

From that day, when the chains of oppression were broken, he put himself in the fire line of the SNM battlefields, exposed himself to the hissing bullets of the enemy. Because freedom demands more than words, it wants to consume the blood and the souls of the braves. It was an obligation that vested upon everyone who could understand the circumstances of that day. Schoolboys turned into warriors who fought with morale and courage. Teachers like Ali Banfas, started to teach another classes in the heart of thick jungles, preparing their attentive pupils to the miseries of war and roasting themselves in the middle of its suffocating flames.

Our odeysseus ( Banfas) you passed away,  but you won’t disappear as long as freedom of expression exists as an ideal within our system. You were the champion of this liberty and proved to the world that nothing could suppress the voice of truth even if all the tools are in the hands of the tyrants. Truth erupts like a volcano, puffing up its ingredients when the scale of the oppression goes up in to intolerable extent.  You are one of great poets who ignited the fire of freedom with their tongue. No wind can turn out the candle of your legacy.

Those who went through hard times for the sake of us and lived enough to witness the fruits of their struggle are luckier than Ahmed Genius. Because he implored Allah, not to take his life before he sees the accomplishment of the mission.

 “Ilaahoon horteed dhiman, iyadoon dhammays noqon”, Genius.

Unfortunately Mujahid Ahmed missed that chance. He martyred in the battlefields before the liberation.

May Allah rest all of you in peace and bless all the martyrs with his paradise.

                               Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (waddi12@gmail,com)

DOODII CALI SAMATAR IYO DHAWRSANAANTA QARAMADA SHISHEEYE

Falanqayn: Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi (Bacaluul

  

Garyq Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

 

Qormadan waxaynu ku eegayna Dacwadii u dhaxaysay Maxamed Cali Samatar iyo Baashe Cabdi Yuusuf. Inkastoo ay jireen dacwoodayaal kale oo kula jiray dacwadan Baashe,haddana sida ku dokumantiyada Maxkamadaha dalka maraykanka, waxa faylkan ku suntan (Bashe Abdi Yousuf, plaintiff  v Mohamed Ali Samantar, defendant).Dulucda falanqayntan ayaa ah lafagurista dhawrsanaantii sharciyeed ee uu jeneraal Maxamed Cali Samatar ku doodayay. Dacwaddan oo ku bilaabantay heer degmo ayaa dhammaysatay darajooyinkii garsoor ee uu Maraykanku lahaa.Waxaana dhinacyadii iskaga soo horjeeday dhexmaray dood kulul oo aan waxba la iskula hadhin. Arrinta dhawrsanaanta haayadaha ka soo jeeda dawlad shisheeyo iyo saraakiishooda ayaa noqotay meelaha ugu adage ee la isla mari weeyay.Sidaa darteed ayaan diirada saaray lafagurista sharciyadaasi la isku daliishaday, anigoo  oo adeegsanaya doodii sharciyeed , go’aamadii iyo fasiraadihii sharciyeed ee ay maxkamdu ka bixisay. Waxaan sidoo kale akhirayay daraasado dhawr ah oo si xeel dheer looga sameeyay Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada.

Markii ugu horraysay ee fooda la is-galiyayba, Samantar oo ahaa dacwaysanaha kiiskan ayaa raadsaday  bartii uu ka bixi lahaa. Wuxuu isku dayay inuu hor-istaago oogista dacwada,isagoo marwalba ka taxadarayay inaan loo dhaadhicin nuxurka dacwada. Waxay isaga iyo qareenadiisuba isku dayeen inay la yimaadaan tab iyo xeelad kasta oo ay iskaga oodi karaan dhagaysiga kiiskan . Tanina waxay sii libin-laabtay xiisihii dad badan oo sharciyaqaana ahaa, qaar badan oo u  ololeeya xuquuqda aadamiga, waxaanay soo jiidatay daneeyayaal badan oo caalamiya.

 Dacwadani sidoo kale waxay noqotay dood sharciyeed oo aan ku koobnayn Saaxadihii Maxkamadaha ee ay dacwadani ka socotay. Balse waxay noqotay mid horseeda cilmi-baadhiso badan iyo doodo waxbarasho (accadamic debates) oo ay daadihiyeen barafisooro iyo arday wax ka dhigata  Kulliyadaha Sharciga ee Dalka Marayka. Sababtoo ah, arrintani waxay  noqotay arrin ugubku ah sharciyada dalka Maraykan ee  ku salaysan xeer-dhaqameedka  (common law) ku abtirsada dhacdooyin soo-jireen ah oo xukunno hore kasoo baxeen. Maadaama oo ay tanina mid tahay mid curad ah oo aan Maxkamadaha Maraykan xukun hore kasoo saarin, waxa dacwaddan Cali Samatar loo arkayay mid ay ka dhalan karaan mabaadi sharciyeed oo cusub, oo mustaqbalka lagu dabaqi doono dacwadaha kale ee la halmaala. 

Dooddan sharciyeed ee dhexmartay dhinacyada isku haya dacwadan ayaa hayd mid adag oo la isla dhaafi waayay habkii-dacwada loo qaadayay. Dulucdii dacwaduna may noqon siday dad badan oo ka dhagaystay ama ka daawaday qalabka warbaahintu ay filayeen markii hore: Waxaana inta badan la eegayay in su’aalaha dacwadu ka dhaqaaqayasaa  noqon doonaaan waxyaabaha lagu edeeynayo Cali Samantar inay jiraan iyo inkale, iyo in loo hayo caddaymo ku filan oo dacwadan lagu dhisi karo iyo in kale.

Wuxuu Samantar isku dayay sidii uu uga hortagi lahaa in ay arrintani noqoto dacwad sharciyeed oo ay Maxkamaduhu ka garnaqaan.In kasta oo aanu ku guulaysan taasi, wuxuu sameeyay tab kasta oo uu dib-ugu riixi karaa gudo-galka eedaha,.Waxaanu keenay wax kasta oo keeni kara in ay jiitanto dacwadann lidka ku ahi.

 Waxaanu ka weeciyay majirihii ay dacwadu ku socotay, isagoo su’aalihii ugu waawaynaa ee laga duulayay ka dhigay doodo sharciyeed oo ku salaysan inuu dhawrsanaan leeyahay iyo inkale : horta Samantar ma laga dhex dacwayn karaa dalka Maraykanka sidii shaqsi caadi oo aan lahayn dhawrsanaan dibaadeed?Miyay Maxkamaduhu ka qarniqi karaan dacwadan?Miyaa loo raaci karaa waxyaabihii ka dhashay waajibaadkii xileed ee uu gudanayay markii uu talada hayay? Miyuu ku takrifalay awoodahaasi? Miyaanay dacwada lagu oogayaa ahayn qarankii Somaliya oo Maraykan dacwaynayo, maadaamo lagu haysto waajibaadkiisii dawladeed ee loo igmaday?

Intii ka horaysay go’aankii kasoo baxay dacwada Samantar, waxay maxkamadaha Rafcaanka ee Fadaraalku  u tarjumeen Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye ( FSIA) si khaldan.Iyagoo u qaatay in xeerkani lagu dabaqayo wakaaladaha dawladaha shisheeye iyo waaxaha ka tirsan haayadahooda ( instrumentalities),  kuwaasi oo deggan dalka Maraykanka.

Fasiraadoodani  ayaa  ahayd mid ku salaysan fahm qaldan oo ay ka  qaateen ujeedadii uu koonagarasku u ansixiyay xeerkan . Waxaany u qaateen,  in dhawrsanaanta uu xeerkani bixiyay ay tahay  tii u alaaba uu bixin Xeerka ku dhisan xukun-maxkamadeedyada (Common law). Halka ay sidoo kale u haysteen in , Xeerka Dhawrsanaantuna Qaramada Shisheeye (FSIA)  iyo kan Komon-looguna,in isku yihiin hal iyo nirigteed, amaba in uu Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramadu uu yahay xeerkii komon-looga oo loo habeeyay qaab xeer-dajineed  uun (codification)[1].

Hadaba Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye (FSIA) wuxuu dib-u eegis ku sameeyay dhawrsanaantii koman loogu siin jiray dawladaha shisheeyaha iyo wakiiladooda. Waxaanu ka soo reebay xaalado gaara oo aanay dawladuhu ka dhawrsanaan karin dacwado lagaga dhex oogo dalka gudihiisa, sida dacwadaha ka dhasha maacimalaad ganacsi oo ay dawlad shisheeya ahi la yeelato shirkadaha gaarka loo leeyahay ee deggan dalka Maraykanka.

XEERKA DHAWRSANAANTA QARAMAD SHISHEEYE (Foreign Immunity Sovereing Act)

Xeer dhaqameedka caalamiga ayaa  dhawrsanaan buuxda siiyay qaramada aduunka . Dhawrsanaantaasi oo ah inaan qaranna awood u lahayn inuu qaran kale maxkamadihiisa ka dacweeyo. Mabada’a ka danbeeya dhawrsanaantan ayaa saldhig u ah sinnaan iyo madaxbanaani buuxda oo ay yeeshaan dawladuhu. Waxaan sidoo kale meesha ka madhnayn ujeedada ah in la ilaaliyo xidhiidhka saaxiibtinimo ee ka dhexeeya qaramada.

Qaran kastaaba wuxuu madax baanaani buuxda u haystaa in uu go’aan ka gaadho wax kasta oo ka jira xuduudihiisa. Taas oo ay macnaheedu tahay dawlad kastaaba waxay awood u leedahay inay maxkamadayso cid kasto oo ku dhexjirta xuduudaheeda. Hadana qaramadu  way ka waantoobeen inay madax ama saraakiil dawlado kale  lagu dhex jiid-jiito Maxkamadahooga, sababtoo ah tani waxay wiiqaysaa ama mijo-xaabinaysaa ixtiraamkii iyo xidhiidhkii wada-shaqayneed ee quruumaha ka dhexeeyay.Haddii  isku teelo-dhigashadaa la samayna waxa meesha ka baxay is-aaminaantii iyo mucaamilkii laba geesoodka ahaa ee qaramada ka dhaxeeyay ( mutual intercourse) . Si uu isfahanka iyo isku fur-furnaanta dawladuhu usuurto galaaana, waxay qaramadu isla qaateen inaanay dawladina ku dag-dagin dacwad ku oogitsta waax-haayadeedyada,  wakaaladaha  ama madax ka tirsan dawlad kale.

Intii ka danbaysay, qarnigii danbe dawladuhu waxay isla qaateen  inay badh iskala noqdaan dhawrsanaantii ay wadaagayeen, kadib markii dawladaha qaar ay macaamilaad ganacsi ka dhex bilaabeen dalalkooda.Haddidhawrsanaantaasi buuxda (absolute immunity) ay sii haystaan dawladuhuna waxay keenaysaa inay si khaldan dhawrsanaantaasi uga faa’idaystaan, tusaale ahaan shirkadaha gudaha ee ay maacaamilka la yeeshaan heli maayaan awood ay kaga dacweeyaan maxkamadaha dalkooda, hadii ay dawladaasi shisheeye wax-isdaba marin iyo khiyaano kula kacdo.Arrintani waxay keentay inay dawladaha qaar dib uga fadhiistaan dhawrsanaantii buuxday, ka hor iyo kadib dagaalkii labaad. Waxaanay hirgaliyeen mabda’a  dhawrsanaanta kooban ” restrictive principle“. Mabda’ani wuxuu dhawrayaa dhawrsanaantii qaran lahaa inteediii badnayd, laakiin wuxuu maxkamadaha dawladeed awood u siinaya inay dhagaystaan dacwadaha ka dhan ka ah dawlad shisheeye ee la xidhiidha arrimo ganacsi[2].

Markii ay dawlada Maraykanku tallaabo maamul ku  qaadatay mabad’an dhawrsanaanta kooban sannadkii 1952, waxay waaxada arimaha dibadu ee dalkaasi bilowday  inay maxkamadaha kala taliso inay dawlad kasta oo dacwaysane ahi,  leedahay dhawrsanaantii qaran lahaan jiray iyo inkale.  Talabixintan la xidhiidha dhawrsanaantuna waxay ahayd mid ku xidhan mawduuca  la isku hayo iyo  sida loo tixgalinayo siyaasada dibadeed ee maraykanku ka qabo dalkaasi. Sannadkii 1978kii, ayuu Koongareeska Maraykanku uu u ansixiyay xeer ahaan mabda’an dhawrsanaanta kooban oo qayb ka ah xeerka DHawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye ( FSIA)[3]. Xeerkan Dhawrsanaantu wuxu dhigayaa inay qaramadu shisheeye ay ka haystaan dhawrsanaan dacwado kaga yimaada Maxkamadaha Maraykanka, marka laga soo reebo xaaladahan:

1. Iyadoo dawladda shisheeye, ay iskeed uga tunaasusho dhawrsanaanteeda ( waiver)

2. Hadii ay dacwadu la xidhiidho hawlo iyo macaamil ganacsi oo ay dawladdan shisheeye ay ku dhex yeelatay dalka marayka

3. Haddii uu sarkaal shisheeye oo jooga maraykanku uu kusoo kacay fal uu ka dhalanayo magdhaw  (Tort committed by foreign official in US). Falkaasi oo uu kusoo gaystay dalka dibadiisa.Tusaale ahaan haddii ay dacwadaasi lagu soo oogay sarkaalkani ay tahay mid  la xidhiidha dhimasho, waxyeelo jidheed oo soo gaadhay dhibanayaal ku nool maraykanka, ama hanti dhextaala. Falkaasi ama habdhqankaasi oo ay shardi u tahay inuu yahay mid magdhawleh (tortous act)   iyo inuu falkaasi uu,  ku kacay sarkaal, ama shaqaale si rasmiya u matalaya qarankaasi shisheey.

Xeerka Magdhawga Dadyawga Shisheeyaha ah ee loo yaqaan ATS ( Alien Tort Statute) ayaa  lagu furtaa dacwadahan aan sare ku xusnay. Xeerkan ayay dhibanayasha kasoo doogay xad-gudubyo bini’aadminmad ka dhan ah iyo kuwo xubno ehelkooda loo gerystay tacaddiyo ka dhan xuquuqdooda aadamiga ahi adeegsanayeen si ay garsoor iyo magdhawba u helaan. Waana Xeerka illaa maanta ay ku dacwoodaan dhibanayaashii midab-takoorka iyo tacadiyada lasoo mariyay ee u dhashay dalka koonfur Afrika. Kuwaas oo dacwayeeya shirkado caalami ah oo kasoo kala jeeda dalal badan (multinational corporations). Shirkadahan oo ay ka midyihiin  Ford, Daimler, GM, and IBM,ayaa lagu eedaynayaa inay dhiirigaliyeen ama ay si dadban uga qayb-qaateen tacadiyadii ka dhanka ahaa dadii madawga ahaa ee koonfur Afrika waqtigii uu caddaanku ka talinayay dalkaasi (Zambrano; Alien; 2013)[4].

 Xeerkan Dhawrista Xuquuqda Dhibanayaasha la jidh-dilay ( Torture Victims Protection Act) ama ( TVPA) ayuu isna maraykanku ansixiyay si ay dhibanayaasha ku nool dalkiisa ee lasoo mariyay  jidh-dil ama kuwa eheladoodii lagu laayay dilal aan garsoorlahayn (extra judicial killings) ay dacwad ugu oogaan ciddii falalkaasi u geysatay amaba ka danbaysay.Falalkaasi oo inta badan lagu galay waji-dawladeed, ama qiilal sharci oo loo samaystay, ayay tahay in saraakiishii ku kacday la horkeeno caddaalada. Cadalaadaasi oo aan suurtogal ka ahayn dalalkii ay xad-gudubyadani kasoo dhaceen.Waxaana dacwoodayaasha laga rabaa inay caddeeyaan inaanay dacwadan ka furan Karin,  dalkii loogu geystay xad-gudubyadan[5].

MAXKAMADAHA RAFCAANADA GOBOLADA OO KU KALA JABAY DHAWRSANAANTII RASMIGA AHAYD.

Su’aal ayaa soo baxday markii la ansixiyay xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye (FSIA).Suaashaasi oo ahayd maxay tahay dhawrsanaanta xeerkani? Ma mid dawladaha shisheeye iyo saraakiishoodaba si isku mida uga hor-istaagaysa dacwad lagaga soo oogo Maxkamadaha Maraykankaa? Muxuuse xeerku ugu jeeda Qaran shisheeye?

Marka aynu daadaagno qeexitaanka xeerka ee la xidhiidha erayga Qaran shisheeye  ( foreign state) ayaa sidan u yaala:

(The FSIA defines a “foreign state” to include: a political subdivision of a foreign state or an agency or instrumentality of a foreign state[6]).

Sharraxaadan oo macnaheegu  af soomaali ku noqonayo, qaran shisheeye waa:

laan siyaasadeed oo ka tirsan dawlad shisheeye, ama wakaalad (agency) ama waax-hayadeed kale oo leh shakhsiyad qanuuni ah oo ka tirsan dal shisheeye ah  (instrumentalities of foreign state).

Waa kan sidoo kale , isagoo markale xeerku qeexaya wuxuu uga jeedo (agency) oo ah wakaalad ama (instrumentalities) oon ku fasiray waax-hayadeed kasta oo ay  dawlad shisheeye ku leedahay Maraykanka, taasi oon,  ahayn wakaalad (agency). Wuxuuna xeerku u qeexay sidan:

(It defines “ agency or instrumentality of foreign state” to mean any entity: 1) which is separate legal, corporate or otherwise , and 2) which is an organ of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof , or a majority whose share or other ownership interest is owned by a foreigb state or political subdivision thereof,)

Markaan isku dayo afsoomaali inaan  ka dhigo sharraxadan sharciyeed waxay “wakaalad” ama “haayad-dawladeed” noqonayaan wax  kasta oo jiritaan ahaan u leh:

1. shaqsiyad sharciyeed[7],  oo gaar ah sida shirkad iwm ( seperate legal personality )

2. waax kamida dawlad shisheeye ha noqoto mid siyaasadeed ama laan-hoose oo ay aqalabiyadda  saamiyadeeda ama mulkiyadeedaba ay leedahay dawlada shisheeye ama laan-hoosaad siyaasadeed oo ka tirsan dawladaasi.

Maadaamo erayga saraakiil shisheeye ( foreign officials) uu ka maqanyahay qeexitaanada erayaybixintan xeer ee kala ah;  dawlad shisheeye (foreign state ), ama wakaalad ( agency) ama waax-hayadeed  (instrumentality), waxay keentay inay ku kala qaybsamaan Maxkamadihii Rafcaanka ee Maraykanku.

Maxkamadaha badankoodu waxay u tarjumeen inay saraakiisha shisheeyaha ahi,  ay leeyihiin dhawrsanaanta la siiyay (dawlad shisheeye). Weedhan dawlad shisheeye (foreign state) oo uu xeerku ku qeexay, wakaaladaha ama waaxaha-haayadeed, ee ay dawlad kale,  ku dhex leedahay Maraykanka. Caqliyada doodanina waxay ku salaysnayd sidan:

1. Inaanay jirin dawlad iska shaqaysa, balse ay ku shaqayso dad ama saraakiil.Kuwaasi oo leh go’aanada iyo tallaabooyinka lagu dacwaynayo.

2. Dacwada askhaastaas ama saraakiishaas  lagu soo oogaana waa tallaabo sharci oo ka dhan dawlada shisheeye lafteeda. Iyo;

3. In Xeerkan Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye uu yahay xeer-dhaqameedkii (common law) oo hab xeer-dajineed loo habeeyay loona ansixiyay ( codiffication made to common law), sidaa darteedna dhawrsanaantii xeerka xeer-dhaqameedku ay ka ilaalinaysay saraakiisha shisheeye inaan lagu dacwayn tallaabooyinka ay qaataan markay gudanayaan waajibaadkii rasmiga ahaa ee loo igmaday, haba ahaato dawladii ay matalayeen tan xataa dacwada ku oogaysaabe.

 Dacwadii Samantar oo uu ka dhanyahay Yuusuf ( Samantar Vs Yusuf)

Dacwadii lagu soo oogay  Maxamed Cali Samantar oo ahaa wasiirkii gaashaandhiga iyo Raiisal wasaarihii Somliya markay taariikhdu ahayd 1980 ayay xubno reer Somaliland ahi kusoo ogeen dacwad,iyagoo kuu eedaynayay gabood falo ka dhan ah binidaadmnimada oo uu geystay markii uu talada hayay. Waxaanay dacwadoodu ku salasnayd:

1. Samantar wuxuu ahaa taliyihii ugu sarreeyay ee bixinayay amaradii ay Ciidamadii Somaliya ku hawlgalayeen, kuwaas oo gaystay dilal bilaa garsoor ah, jidh-dil, iyo xadhig dulmi ah (arbitrary detentions).
2. Samantar wuu ogaa amaba waxay ahayd inuu ogaado gaboodfallada ay ku kacaayeen kuwii ka hooseeyay
3.  Samantar wuxuu dhiiri galiyay falalkii waxashnimada ahaa ee lagula kacay dadkii rayidka haa, isagoo ka dhigay waxashnimadaasi wax lagu qaato darajooyin ama lagu dallaco.

Waxaanay dadkan qurbo joog ahi ka dalbadeen in samantar laga siiyo magdhaw sida waafqsan xeerka TVPA[8]. Samantar wuxuu u soo baxsaday dalka maraykana isagoo dagay Firjiniya ( Virginia) 1991 markii ay dawladii kalitaliska ahayd bur-burtay.Intaas wixii ka danbeeyayna dawladda maraykanku may aqoonsan xukuumadihii ka jiray Somaliya.

Samantar ayaa isna dhankiisa ku dooday inaan lagu soo oogi karin dacwad, isagoo sheegtay in Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye ee loo soo gaabiyo FSIA uu siiayay dhawrsanaan maadaamo oo ay dacwadu ku salaysantahay tallaabooyinkii uu qaatay markii uu xilka hayay. Sidaa darteedna dacwada isaga lagu oogayaaa ay la mid tahay mid lagu soo oogayo Qarankii Soomaaliya ee uu matalayay waqtigaasi.Waxaanu Samantar ku guulaystay doodiisii. kadib markii ay Maxkamadu Degmadu ayyiday.Iyadoo sheegtay inaan Samantar la dacwayn karin oo uu  leeyahay dhawrsanaanta uu xeerkani siiyay qaramada shisheeye.Waxaanay gabi ahaan garsoorayaashu maxkamadu u arkayeen, inuu yahay sarkaal dawladeed, haba ahaado ku hore xil u hayn jiryabee, sidaa darteed wuxuu ku hoos gabban karaa Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye, maadaamo oo uu   gudanayay xil rasmiya oo ay u igmatay dawladii Somaliyan.Maxkamadu waxay diiday inuu Samantar ka bad-badiyay oo uu ku takrifalay xilkii loo igmaday.

Maxkamada Rafcaanka ee loo yaqaan ( Fourth Circuit) ayaa burisay Xukunkii maxkamada Degmada, iyadoo raacday doodii iyo aragtidii garsoorayaashii laga tirada batay ee qabay inaanay habe yaraatee saraakiishu shaqsi ahaan( individual officials) wax dhawrsanaan ah ku lahayn xeerkan FSIA.  Kaas oo luqad ahaan dhawrsanaanta siinaya ( wakaaladaha iyo waax-haayadeedada). Sidoo kale waxay Maxkamadan Rafcaanku  ku dooday in haddii laga tagi waayo, uu Xeerkan FSIA  dhawrsanaan siin lahaa oo qudha sarkaal xilk haya waqtigan dacwada lasoo oogay.Madaamo  oo uu xeerku u dhiganyahay luqad ahaan mid ka hadlaya waqtigan taagan (statutes present-tense language) marka uu xeerku leeyahay ( wakaalad ama waax-hayadeed), wuxuu ka hadlayaa mid shaqaynaysa waqtigan dacwada laoogayo.Kadib waxay maxkamada Rafcaanku ku gaadhay go’aan inay dacwada ku celiso Maxkamadii Degmadii si ay uga baaraandagto bal inay jirto dhawrsanaan kale oo kaga haboon tan iyadoo burisay dhawrsanaantii uu kaga dooday Maxkamada Degmada ee ay maxkamadaasi la qaadatay.

MAXKAMDII SARE

Samantar wuxuu rafcaan kasoo qaatay go’aankii Maxkamada Rafcaanka ee ( Fourth Circuit), isagoo ka codsanaya inay Maxkamad Sare dib u akhrido Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye FSIA, si uu u helo dhawrsanaanta uu ku andacoonayo, Waxanu ku saleeyay rafcaankiisa sababahan:

1-Qeexitaanada eraybixinta xeerka “dawlad shisheeye” iyo “wakaalad ama waax-haayadeed” maaha mid leh nuxur  dhammaystiran balse waa sharraxaad uun.

2-Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye (FSIA) waa in loo fahmaa xeerkii Komonlooga oo loo habeeyay hab xeer-dejineed.Xeerkanina saraakiisha ka jooga dawlad shisheeye wuxuu siinayaa dhawrsanaan buuxda oo ka hor-istaagaysa dacwad lagaga soo oogo dalka Maraykanka.

3-  Sidan loo fasiray Xeerka Dhawrsanaantu wuxuu meesha ka saarayaa isxaq-dhawrkii (comity) iyo wax-is-dhaafsigii dawladaha ( reciprocity) ee la rabay inuu xeerku hirgaliyo.

Halka ay dacwoodayaashu iyaguna ku doodeen :

1. Sida ku cad luqada xeerka, meelna kama soo galo wax sarkaal ahi, sidaa darteedna kuma doodi karo Cali Samantar inuu dhawrsanaan xeerkani ku hoos-leeyahay.
2. Xeerkan Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye ( FSIA), ma siinayo wax dhawrsanaan sarkaal hore oo aan waqtiga dacwada lasoo oogayo wax xil ah u haynin qaran.
3. Qofka lagu loo haysto dil-aan-garsoorlahayn (extra judicial killing) ama jidh-dil ma yeelan karo wax dhawrsanaan ah haddii lagu soo dacweeyo Xeerka Ilaalinta dhibanayaasha shisheeye ee la jidh-dilay ( Torture Victim Proctection Act) iyadoo waliba lala akhrinayo Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye.
4. Qofna  awood u malaha in uu ku kaco jidh-dil iyo dil ka baxsan garsoorka, fal-danbiyeedyadani haba yaraatee wax qiil ah malaha, sidaa darteed Samantar kuma  doodi karo inuu  gudanayay waajib rasmiya oo loo igmaday. Waxaanay  ku ladheen dacwoodayaashu inay xeerkan Ilaalinta Xuquuqda dhibanayaasha jidh-dilka loogu gaystay dal shisheeye lala akhriyo Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada Shisheeye ( FSIA)
5. Go’aanada siyaasadeed ee Waaxda arrimaha dibadu waa qaar aan wax saamayn ku yeelan Karin dacwad ka dhan ah qof loo haysto inuu galay gabood-falo ka baxsan aadamnimada.

Goaankii aqlabiyada ahaa ee ay Maxkamda sarre gaadhay, wuxuu xalliyay kala qaybsanaantii Maxkamadaha Rafcaanka ee dacwadan Cali Samantar .Waxaanay Maxkamadu ayiday ra’yigii laga batay ee Garsoorayaashii Rafcaanka. Garsoore Sare Steven ayaa daahfuray inay saraakiisha shisheeya ay “xaraf”ahaan  ku haboonan lahaayeen inay ku jiraan qeexitaanka eriyada ( agency and Instrumentality) oo kala ah ( wakaalad ama waax-haayadeed). Balse nuxurka akhris ee qeexitaankan sharci ayaa ka saaray meesha inay saraakiishu soo galaan dhawrsanaanta Xeerka. (Wakaalad iyo waax-haayadeed).  Siday Maxkamadu u fassirtay, waxa uu xeerku FSIA ku qeexay inay looga jeedo “haayad-maamuleed oo  aan loo jeedin shaqsi”..(Organisation rather than individuals).Xeerku ma sheegin nooca shaqsiyada qaanuuniga ah ee laga rabo (wakaalad ama waax-haayadeed) inay lahaato. Meesha kuma taalo shaqsiyad qaanuuni ah oo dabiici ah (natural legal person) ,sidaa darteedna  tani waxay meesha ka saartay in nuxur ahaan qeexitaankan laga dhex arko inay dhawrsanaantan heli karaan saraakiisha ka hawlgala wakaaladahan ama  haayadahan shaqsi ahaantodu.

Doodii Samantar ee ahayd  qeexitaanka “Wakaalad ama waax-haayadeed” waa mid sharraxaad ah oo aan taabanayn nuxurka sharci ee ay labadan eray xambaarsanyihiin ayay Maxkamada Sare qaadacday. Waxanay ka diiday in dhawrsanaanta la siiyay wakaalad ama waax-hayadeed ay dawlad shisheeye ku dhex leedahay Maraykanka lasoo galiyo saraakiisha laf-ahaantooda. Madaama ay “wakaalad ama waax-hayadeed” ay leeyihiin jiritaan sharciyeed oo gaar ah ( separate legal personlities), iyagaanay dhawrsanaantani  gaar u tahay.Kama danbaystiina waxay Maxkamada Sare ayyiday Xukunkii Maxkamda Rafcaanka ( fourth Circuit) iyadoo u caddaysay Samatar inaanu lahayn dhawrsanaanta Xeerka FSIA ee uu ku doodayay.

SAMANTAR OO GARSUGE NOQDAY

Samantar wuxuu mar walba ka cararay in la gudo galo nuxurka dacwada maadaamo oo laga hayay caddamymo qiraal iyo caddaymo kale oo aanu dafiri karin. Waxay dani ugu jirtay inuu hor-istaag ku sameeyo dhagaysiga dacwadan isagoo ku hoos gabbo islahaa dhawrsanaantan uu bixiyay Xeerka FSIA. Haddii uu ku guulaysto in dacwadan hab ahaan u jabiyo ( procedural incompetency), waxay keenaysaa in laalo dacwadii ka dhanka ahayd. Balse markii in badan la isla soo gal-gashay waxay kubadu kusoo noqotay bartii ay ka bilaabantay. Waxaanay Maxkamadii Degmadu ee dacwadu ka bilaabantay ay heshay kalsooni u xalaalaysay inay dib u furto gudo-galkii nuxurkii dacwada oo aan qabo inaanay sheeko badan iyo dood badan ka taagnayn.

Sidoo kale waxa Samantar garabkiisa ka baxday Waaxdii Arrimaha Dibada oo markii hore u muuqatay mid rajo badan ku dhalisay kana caga-jiiday inay mawqif adag iska taagto dhawrsanaantan uu ku andacoonayay dacwaysanuhu.Isagoo gar-suge u ah Samantar Maxkamad Degmada, ayay Waaxda arrimaha dibadu soo saartay qoraal cinwaankiisu yahay ( Statement of Interest).Waxaanay qoraalkan ku caddaysay inaanu Samantar wax dhawrsanaana ka haysan dacwaddan.Waaxdu Arrimaha Dibadu may doonayn inuu Samantar dhiiqadiisan kula soo gal-gasho.Sidaadarteed waxay qoraalkeeda ku xustay inuu saamayn ku yeelan karto xidhiidhka arima dibadeed ee Maraykanku la leeyahay dalal kale,haddii Samantar la siiyo dhawrsanaan uu kaga baxsado eedahan lagu soo oogay.

Waaxda Arimaha dibada sidoo kale waxay ku xustay warqadeedan inaanay dhawrsanaanta uu ku andoocanayo Cali Samantar ayna suurtogal u ahayn laba arimood oo jira awgood. Waa tan koowaade, Samantar wuxuu ahaa sarkaal hore, mana jirto xukuumad soomaaliyeed oo Maraykanku aqoonsanyahay oo uu manta matalayaa, Xukuumadaasi oo u hadli lahayd, qeexina lahayd in habdhaqankani lagu eedaynayaa yahay waajibaad dawladeed oo rasmiya oo uu gudanayay. Waa ta labaade, Samantar wuxuu Maraykanka ku joogaa deganaansho joogto ah oo sharci ah (Permanent Legal residence), sidaa darteedna dadka deganaanshan Samantar oo kale haysta waxa xuquuqdooda ilaaliya Xeerarka Maraykan ee caadiga ah, maadaamooy xaaladoodu sidaa tahayna kama baxsan karaan wilaayada garsoor ee Maxkamadaha dalka, khaasatan markay soo dacweeyaan Muwaadiniin Marykan ama muwaadiniin la siiyay jinsiyada Maraykanka (naturalized citizens) sida dacwoodayaashan oo kale[9].

Maxkamadu waxay sidoo kale ka fiirsatay inuu Samantar leeyahay dhawrsanaanta Madaxweyne-Qaran (Head-of-state immunity),taas oo intii dacwada lagu gudo jiray uu Samantar ku dooday, kadib markii uu ku guuldarraystay dhawrsanaantii Xeerka FSIA.Waxaanay Maxkamadu caddaysay in dhawrsanaanta madaxwaynayaashu  tahay mid ku salaysan aqoonsi (status-based immunity). Dhawrsanaantan oo ah qayb kamida Xeerka dhaqameedka loo yaqaan koman-looga (common law), ayaa ah mid shakhsigu ku kasbado aqoonsigiisa-xileed.Waxaana alaaba dhawrsanaantan iska leh, Madaxweynayaasha Qaramada, diploomaasiyiinta iyo Wasiirada Arrimaha Dibada. Hadaba si uu Samantar u helo  dhawrsanaantaasi, waa inuu ka mid yahay xukuumad uu Maraykanku aqoonsanyahay, taas oo keenaysa inay Waaxda Arimaha Dibada ee Maraykanku siiso tixgalin buuxdo.Samantarna xaq uma laha dhawrsanaantan, kumana doodi karo mudo-xileedkiisi hore inuu ahaa madaxweyne-qaran.Markaad eegto warqadan Waaxda Arrimaha Dibada nuxurkeeda, Maxkamadu waxay sheegtay in laga dhan-dhasan karo inaanay Waaxda Arimaha dibadu siiseen (dhawrsanaantaas-aqoonsi) Cali Samantar xataa haddii uu maanta xil hayn lahaa.

Maxkamadu waxay sidoo kale lafa-gurtay dhawrsanaanta kale ee Xeerka koman looga,taas oo loo yaqaan Dhawrsanaanta ku salaysan-habdhaqanka (conduct–based imminuty),waxa sidoo kale la yidhaa: Dhawrsanaan-shaqo (Functional immunity) taas oo saraakiisha hoose ama Madaxda dawladuhuba mutaysan karaan marka qiimayn lagu sameeyo tallaabooyinkii rasmiga ahaa( official acts) ee ay qaateen intii ay xilka hayeen. Sharciyaqaanada qaar ayaa qaba in saraakiishu leeyihiin dhawrsanaan la mid tan ay xukuumaduhu leeyihiin, khaasatan marka ay gudanayaan waajibaad rasmiya oo ay xukuumadoodu u igmatay. Dhawrsanaantan lagu kasbanay shaqada ayaa runtii ah mid ka balaadhan kana kooban tan lagu kasbanayo aqoonsiga-xileed. Way ka koobantahay oo waxay dhawrsanaantan  lagu helaa gudashada tallaabooyin ama hawlo gaara oo qofka loo igmaday, wayna ka ballaadhantahy, oo waxa uu qofku dhawrsanaantan sii haystaa isagoo wax xilaba hayn.Haddii uu qofku u dhaqmo sidii shaqsi ah caadi ah oo aanu u dhaqmin sidii sarkaal rasmiyana, dacwada lagu oogay noqon mayso dacwad lagu oogay qarankii shisheeye ee uu ka tirsanaa. TIn kastoo labadan xeer ee koman-loogu iyo Xeerka Dhawrsanaanta Qaramada shisheeyaba ay bixiyaan dhawrsanaanta la xidhiidha “ gudashada waajibaad rasmiya”, waxa la odhan karaa siyaabo kale duwan ayay u eegaan. Xeerka koman-loogu wuxuu diirada saaraa habka loo gutay iyo ujeedada ka danbaysa tallaabooyinkaasi lagu muransanyahay, Halka uu Xeerkan FSIA uu hoos u eegayo nooca ama asal-ahaanta tallaabooyinkaas ama habdhaqankaas la isku haysto.Waxa intaas soo raaca sharciyaqaano kale oo iyaguna qabo inay saraakiishu xaq u leeyihiin haddii dacwada lagu soo oogayaa ay waajibaad saarayso xukuumadii shisheeye ee ay ka tirsanaayeen. Maxkamda waxay falanqayn-dheer oo ay gashay kadib,   xustay in la taxgilanayo aragtida Waaxda Arrimaha Dibada marka dhawrsanaanta noocan ah laga go’aan gaadhayo, inkastoo aanay aragtiedan Waaxdu lahayn mid leh go’aano-fulineed (binding decision).

Maxkamadu waxay sidoo kale caddaysay inaanay haba yaraaatee Waaxda Arrimaha Dibada ee Maraykanku qiil u samayn Karin falalka iyo habdhaqanada ka dhanka ah Sharciyada caalamiga ah ee lama taabtaanka ah (peremptory norms), sharciyadaasi oo sidoo kale loo yaqaan, sharciyada-faralka ah ama lagu qasbanyahay ( Jus Cogens). Hadaba dulucda wadnaha u ahayd dacwaddan lagu soo oogay Cali Samantar ayaa ahayd inuu ku kacay habdhaqan iyo falal xad-gudub ku ah Sharciyadaasi caalamiga ah ee lama-taabtaank ah sida isagoo ku kacay fal ka dhan aadamnimada oo isugu jira dilal bilaa garsoor ah,  jidh-dil, xadhig dulmiya iyo dilal aan rayid mid hubaysantoona look ala aabo-yeelin ( indiscriminate executions). Sidaa darteedna waxay Maxkamadu go’aamisay inaanu dacwaysane Samantar xaq u lahayn inuu ku doodo dhawrsananta ku salaysan habdh-qanka, tusaale ahaan  inuu gudanayay Waajibaad Qaran oo loo igmaday.

Samatar wuxuu kolba buur iyo banana jiidhaba, dhannaba garawshiiyo kamuu helin, hadday noqoto Maxkamada Sare ama Waaxdii Arrimaha Dibada. Waxaanu waayay dhawrsanaantii sharciyada Maraykanka ee uu ku doodayay, isagoo ku guuldarraystay inuu is-hortaago dacwadii ku socotay. Markii safxadii dhawrsanaanta la laalay ayaa si dhab oo loo gudo galay in laga garnaqo dulucdii dacwada. Waxaanay dacwaysanayaashu soo bandhigeen caddaymo isugu jiro maqal iyo muuqaal ah oo ka dhan ah Cali Samantar, Kuwaas oo muujinay bur-burkii magaalooyinkii, xasuuqii dadkii maatida ahaa soo gaadhay.Waxay Maxkamadi degmadu dhagaysatay waraysiyo uu Cali Samantar kasii daayay BBC-da oo uu ku qirtay inuu lahaa amarka iyo masuuliyada koowaad wixii dadka soomaaliyeed ka soo gaadhay dagaaladii ka dhacay,Waxa sidoo kale la dhagaystay taararkii taliska milatariga iyo reedhyawyadii lagu hayay hubkii cuslaa iyo madaafiicdii lagu hogaaminayay goobihii dadka rayidka ahi daganaa.

Kama dambaystii ayay Maxkamadu ku xukuntay dacweysane Cali Samatar inuu bixiyo Magdhawg gaadhay 21 milyan oo doolar oo isagu jiraa magdhaw madaniya iyo ganaaxyo ciqaabeed.

Tixraac:

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[1] Supreme Court of the United States, slip opinion,  2009^th .p9 (http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/09pdf/08-1555.pdf.

[2] http://definitions.uslegal.com/r/restrictive-principle-of-sovereign-immunity/.

[3]

[4] Zambrano Angela, Alien Margaret, the Texas lawbook, p3.2013.

Gower Cristina, The Alien Tort Claims Act and the South African Apartheid Litigation: Is the End Nigh?

[5] http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/STATUTE-106/pdf/STATUTE-106-Pg73.pdf

[6] S, 1603.Definitions, Public law 94-583,1976.

[7] . Waa hayadaha ay maamulaan dawladaha shisheeye, kuwaasi oo noqon karo, laamo ka tirsan hayadaha ama shirkadaha dawladdaasi shisheeye ee laga heli karo dalkan Maraykan. Haayadahaasi oo leh jiritaan sharciyeed oo gaar ah.

[8] Xeerka Ilaalinta Dhibanayaasha la jidh-dilay ( TVPA), waa xeer Koongareska Maraykanku ansixiyay Bishii March 1992.Xeerkani wuxuu dhibanayaashan u ogalaaday inay dacwad Maraykanka kaga dhex oogi karaan shakhsiyaadka iyagoo xil-dawladeed oo rasmiya gudanaya ku kaca jidhil iyo dilal ka baxsan garsoorka, falalkaasi ka ay ku soo gaysteen dal aan Maraykanka ahayn .Si dacwadani u hirgashona waxa laga rabaa dacwooduhu inuu caddeeyo inaanay suurtogal ahayn dacwaddan inuu ka furto meesho falku ka dhacay.

[9] Wuerth, Ingrid , Virginia Journal of International Law Association, Foreign Official Immunity Determination in US court: the case against State of Department,2011.