GO'AANKA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DIB-U-SOO-CELINAYA MAAMULLIDA HANTIDA QARANKU WAA MID DIB-U-NOOLAYNAYA MILGIHII DAWLADNIMADA

Garyaqaan Bacaluul. 

Marka hore Waxa guul ah in Madaxweynuhu dib gacanta ugu soo celiyo Hantida Qaranka (Public Assets) oo ay Haamaha Shidaalku iyo Maamulka Guud ee Madaarku ugu muhiimsanayeen.

Haamahaasi waxay ahaayeen halku-dhaggii Ololaha Kulmiye Waqtigii ay talada doonayeen inay kala Wareegaan Xisbigii Udub. Manay ahayn ujeeddadu in shirkad Macaash-doon ah (profit-making) inta laga qaado, in lagu wareejiyo kuwo kale oo macaash doon ah. ama in loo kaliyeeyo (Monopolization) wax dadka ka dhexeeya in gaar ah.

Shirkadahan dikreetadu sheegtay, ayaanan run ahaantii arag meelay xafiisyo Rasmiya ku leeyihiin, iyo cid u shaqaysa toona (ghost companies). Ma wax haamaha iyo Madaarka loo samaystay uunbay ahaayeen? illeen cashuuro badan ayaabu qaranku hantidooda iyo adeegyadoodaba ku lahaan laahaaye.

Waa tan labaade, waxaan soo dhaweynaya Goldaloolada sharci ee Dikreetadu ku qirtay in aanu jirin Xeer Guud oo Nidaamiya Qaabka ay Dawladda iyo maalgaliyayaasha gaarka ahi ay Wax-u-wada yeelanayaan (Publi-Private Partnership Act). Waayo, xeerkani waa sharciga meesha ka saara in Dano is-khilaafsan laga dhex helo heshiisyada noocan ah (i,e; In Hantida Qaran lagu wareejiyo Cid gaar ah oo saami qarsoon, ama dano gaar ah lala leeyahay, sida in Masuuliyiinta wareejinaysaa, ay iyagu isku wareejiyaan hantida ummadda iyagoo shaadhkale soo xidhay), Taasi oo keenaysa in la isweydiiyo waxay dadweynuhu ka helayaan Shuraakadaasi ama gaar-u-bixintaasi (privatization).

Xeerkaasi waa asaasi waana kii qeexi lahaa qaabka adeeg/hanti umadeed loogu wareejinayo gooni-u-macaashayaal maalgashan kara, ama qaabka ay wax-u-wadaagi lahaayeen ummad-iyo hantiilay gaar ahi. Waa kii nidaamin lahaa, heerka adeeg ee tayo ahaan, tiro/xaddi ahaan, iyo qiimo ahaanba dadweynaha loogu adeegayo iyadoo adeeggaasi si gaar ahna looga faa'idaysanayo. Waxaanu asaasaa hay'ad rasmiya (Regulating Agency), isagaa nidaaminaya qaabka loola soconayo, korkana looga ilaalinayo si loo dhawro xuquuqda loo-adeegayaasha, isla markaana looga hortagi laaha ama loo maarayn lahaa caqabadkasta oo si lama filaana ah (risk management) uga hor timaadda ujeeddooyinkii guud iyo kuwii gaarka ahaa ee lagu heshiiyay.

Lamana arag dawlad masuuliyaddii iyo adeeggii xaqa loogu lahaa inta ay ku wareejiso dad gaar ah, haddana faraha ka qaadda, oo u kala baxda gooni-umacaashtadii iyo dadkii (adeeg-sugayaasha) uu xilku ka saarnaa.

By Garyaq. Maxamed Axmed Cabdi (Administrative Law lecturer)

Xigasho; Dikreetada Madexweynaha ka eeg halkan

Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi Oo Gacanta Dawladda Kusoo celiyay Maamulka Haamaha Berbera, Amniga & Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal. Akhri Wareegto uu Madaxweynuhu soo saaray maanta oo u dhigan sidan; “Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, Mudane Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxa uu wareegto madaxweyne oo summadeedu tahay JSL/XM/WM/222-178/082018, uu maanta ku shaaciyey in xukuumaddu La-wareegidda Hantida Dawladda ee Haamaha Berbera, Amniga iyo Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal. Waxaanay u dhignayd Wareegtada Madaxweynuhu Sidan:- Markaan Arkay:                  Qodobka 90aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland; Markaan Arkay:                  Qodobka 14aad xubintiisa 1aad iyo Qodobka 54aad xubintiisa 1aad ee Dastuurka; Markaan Arkay:                 Qodobka 3aad (2) (kh), 32 (2) (g), iyo 33 (2) (b) ee            Xeerka Hay’adda Duulista Madaniga ah ee Xeer        Lr.70/2017; Markaan Arkay:                 Qodobka 6aad ee Xeerka Takaalifta Amniga Madaarada                      ee Xeer Lr. 61/2013; Markaan Garwaaqsaday:In daryeelka iyo ilaalinta hantida guud ay tahay             waajib saaran xukuumadda, hantidaas oo hadii loo baahdo lagu wareejin karo kali ah, si sharciga waafaqsan, sida ku cad qodobka 12aad ee Dastuurka            dalka; Markaan Xaqiiqsaday:     Mihiimadda ay leedahay la soo noqoshada hantida dawladda, oo il-duuf sharci ku jiro habka loo wareejiyay, maadaama aanu jirin Xeerka Iskaashiga Dawladda iyo Ganacsiga Gaarka ah (PPP Act); Markaan Arkay:                 Mihiimadda ay leedahay in dawladdu la soo noqoto hanti-ahaan iyo maamul ahaanba Haamaha Shidaalka Berbera,  Adeegga Amniga Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal, iyo Baarkinka Madaarka Cigaal, sababo amni iyo dhaqaale awgeed; Markaan Xaqiiqsaday:     In sii wadidda heshiisyadii lagu wareejiyey adeegyada bulshada ee ay xukuumaddu ka masuulka ahayd aanay ku jirin danta guud ee qaranka, isla markaana ay ka hor imanayso waajibka xukuumadda ka saaran ilaalinta hantida Qaranka iyo uga faa’iidaynta dant guud; Markaan Helay:              Talo soo jeedinta guddida dhaqaalaha iyo horumarinta ee Heer Qaran iyo talo bixintii sharci ee heshiisyadii dhex-maray Xukuumadda iyo Shirkadahah BOG, SRM iyo EPASS; Waxaan Go’aamiyey; ·         In la buriyay heshiisyadii lagu wareejiyay adeegyada: Haamaha Shidaalka (BOG), Adeegga Amniga Madaarada (SRM), iyo Adeega Baarkinka Madaarka Cigaal (EPASS). ·         In xukuumaddu ay gabi ahaanba ula soo noqotay si sharciga waafaqsan maamulkii, gacan-ku-hayntii, Adeegii iyo Qalabkii Haamaha shidaalka ee Berbera, Amniga Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal, iyo Adeegga Baarkinka Madaarka Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal ee ay hayeen shirkadaha kala ah; BOG, SRM iyo EPASS. ·         In Wasaaradda Ganacsiga, Warshadaha Iyo Dalxiiska, Wasaaradda Horumarinta Maaliyadda, Hanti-dhawraha Guud ee Qaranka, Xisaabiyaha Guud ee Qaranka iyo Hay’adda Duulista Hawadu ay keenaan qiimaynta dhabta ah ee dhaqaalaha ay Shirkadaha BOG, SRM iyo EPASS ku maalgaliyeen Haamaha Shidaalka Berbera, Amniga Madaarkada Caalamiga ah ee Cigaal iyo Baarkinka Madaarka, soona xaqiijiyaan dhaqaalaha ay ka heleen. ·         In Wasaaradaha iyo Hay’adaha ay khusaysaa ka gutaan waajibkooda sharci ee fulinta qodobbadan kor ku xusan. ·         In Shaqaalihii ka hawl-galayey adeegyadani ay shaqadooda u sii wadanayaan si caadi ah. Allaa Mahad Leh Muuse Biixi Cabdi Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somalil

Almost Dying for the Story: On Michael Scott Moore’s “The Desert and the Sea: 977 Days Captive on the Somali Pirate Coast” By Tristan McConnell

JULY 24, 2018

I MET A PIRATE once. It was the summer of 2009 in Somaliland, and I’d made the hot drive across a scrub of desert date, myrrh, and acacia trees to Mandheera, a no-stoplight town. A couple of miles off the road stood the most prominent building in the area and Farah Ismail Eid’s home — a whitewashed, colonial-era prison.

Eid was something of a celebrity, being one of the only convicted Somali pirates who conceded his guilt and would agree to be interviewed. Later, at a prison in Berbera, one pirate declined my offer (“Fuck you,” he told me in surprisingly idiomatic English) while another simply spat at my feet before retreating into the sweaty dark of his cramped, shared cell.

Back then, piracy off Somalia’s lawless coast was a big story that worked on a number of levels: it resonated broadly — thanks to Johnny Depp’s Hollywood adaptations of a theme park ride — had a direct impact on the global economy by disrupting one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, full of oil tankers and cargo vessels, and was a genuinely new iteration of Somalia’s long-running chaos.

Eid told me the Somali pirate origin story: untrammeled illegal fishing by foreign trawlers, toxic waste dumped on the shore, depleted fish stocks and wrecked reefs, lack of opportunity in a shattered state that has suffered decades of clan-based civil war, the necessity of protecting your livelihood, even if it meant law-breaking, and the imperative to survive.

He was a victim, as he saw it. “These problems fell on us like rain,” he told me, with a poetic flourish. “We are quite aware that what we are doing is wrong, but this is a way of shouting to the world. The world should ask, ‘Are these people wrong or were they wronged themselves?’” It was a call-to-arms, and an apologia.

Few journalists have risked finding active pirates, and for good reason, given the risks. One of the few is American journalist Michael Scott Moore, who was betrayed by his hosts and spent close to three years in captivity. He relates the story in an enthralling memoir called The Desert and the Sea: 977 Days Captive on the Somali Pirate Coast (2018).

Moore was living in Germany when he found himself covering the trial of 10 Somali pirates in Hamburg in 2011 who had been involved in the failed hijacking of a German cargo ship. “[I]t seemed to me that a book about the case and some underreported aspects of Somali piracy might be interesting,” he writes. He was familiar with the sea, having written a previous book about the history of surfing.

His reporting initially takes him to Djibouti — a godforsaken chunk of scorched rock on the Gulf of Aden that consists mainly of ports, military bases, and sand — as well as to Nairobi, the Kenyan capital. He knows there’s more to know, “[b]ut I wavered about going to Somalia.”

During the trial, however, Moore meets a Somali clan elder who, he believes, can arrange safe passage from the central Somali town of Galkayo to the pirate village of Hobyo, 125 miles away on the Indian Ocean coast. In early 2012, Moore sets off. In Galkayo, he meets “the mayor of Hobyo” who, in a quintessential Somali-diaspora fashion, is a London bus driver when not flaunting his impressive, if hollow, job title.

Moore feels queasy while reporting in Somalia but buries his fears and carries on. He makes it safely to Hobyo and back, but it is on the relatively innocuous journey between Galkayo’s town and its airport that his trip goes terribly wrong. A Mad Max–style “technical” — a Toyota pickup with a heavy machine gun welded onto the flatbed, so named because foreigners hiring them for security in the early 1990s would reclaim the cost as “technical expenses” — stops his vehicle. Moore is wrenched from the car, beaten, and abducted. His glasses are smashed, after which “everything looked like Monet.”

The self-inflicted horror of his situation, and the journalistic hubris that brought him to it, dawns fast. “What did I think I would find around here?” Moore writes. “Pirates who trusted writers? Truth?”

Once he is captured, his kidnappers demand a “pathological” $20 million ransom from his mother, 72 years old and retired with her second husband in Redondo Beach, California. Foreigners held in Somalia have commonly been released for less than $1 million, but pirates, it turns out, are less often aggrieved fishermen like Eid. They are chancers, and stubborn, often inept ones.

That reality was mostly obscure at this time to Western editors who loved Somalia’s 21st-century pirates because they seemed to bleed romantic, renegade history onto the news pages. The story drew journalists from Nairobi and further afield. Most of us did secondhand reporting, speaking to self-declared experts, negotiators, shipping monitors, and shady ex-soldiers who would either airdrop plastic-wrapped bricks of cash onto hijacked vessels or retrieve hostages from dust-blown air strips.

Some journalists made more of an effort, attending pirate trials in the Kenyan port town of Mombasa and the Seychelles, visiting Eid in his jail cell to exchange khat for quotes, or joining the international naval patrols whose warships were intended to deter pirates in their little motorized skiffs. This was dangerous work. Colin Freeman, a London-based foreign correspondent for The Daily Telegraph, was nabbed by his own security guards and held for 40 days while attempting to cover Somali piracy in 2008, as recorded in his book Kidnapped (2011). Jay Bahadur, a young Canadian journalist — precocious, foolhardy, brave — rocked up in northern Somalia with some flimsy connections and a truckload of luck, eventually writing The Pirates of Somalia (2012). Years later, in 2015, James Verini wrote a compelling article for The New Yorker about the experience of pirate hostages, interviewing the surviving crew of the MV Albedo (captured in November 2010, freed in June 2014, a year after their boat had foundered in a storm off Hobyo). Moore showed great courage in going after the story at its source, and paid a huge price for it.

After weeks of shunting him from one dingy safe house to another in a series of SUVs, the pirates move Moore to the Naham 3 — an Omani-flagged Taiwanese trawler with a mixed Asian crew and a freezer hold filled with immense tuna and, grotesquely, the body of the vessel’s captain, shot dead during the hijacking. This shift underscores an important point about “Somali pirates,” which is that they are not really pirates at all, but opportunistic kidnappers who happened, mostly, to work at sea. The cargo was irrelevant and rarely touched, neither when it was millions of barrels of oil nor a freighter full of tanks and rockets.

Moore’s sense of hopelessness deepens as he reaches the rusting trawler. “For the first time in Somalia, but not the last, I considered suicide,” he writes. Fantasies of escape recur. They often take the form of a heroic blaze of glory — seizing an AK-47 from a dozy guard, rescue by Navy SEALs, or a leap to freedom from the gunwales (the latter he actually does, relishing fleeting moments of liberty in the sea, before his recapture) — but more often the escape he dreams of is suicide.

The struggle is constant, but throughout his captivity, hope penetrates the carapace of despair: Moore persists in using the LED torches on cheap cigarette lighters to signal to the presumably American drones that he hears buzz overhead, he tarries when ordered inside as light aircraft or helicopters fly by — as they regularly do, sometimes photographing the ship — and he risks smuggling German phrases identifying his location into the occasional phone calls home in which the pirates force him to beg for a ransom payment. Scrounging pens and notebooks, Moore jots down a series of scrappy prison diaries. Written where and when he can, and frequently confiscated as punishment or out of malice, these become “an essential refuge from prison.”

The other constant is the pirates’ inability to comprehend the gulf between their demands and Moore’s reality. In a moment of rare candor, a pirate guard called Dag, incredulous that Moore’s mother won’t pony up the ransom, desperately tells him he just wants “the Good Life,” the American Dream fed to him via television and smartphone. “I don’t have the Good Life, Dag. You guys kidnapped the wrong man,” Moore replies.

It is a measure of the misery of solitary confinement that Moore’s months at sea seem almost jolly in comparison to his time in the desert. There was a shared experience on the Naham 3, but no shared language, so the captives concocted a pidgin (“Hai dao loco-loco”: “Pirates crazy”), cooked for one another — including regular sashimi carved from the frozen tuna store — and watched Tom and Jerry DVDs. Most of his fellow hostages were “hip young Asian youth” who were either conned onto the trawler by unscrupulous employment agencies or lured by the promise of relative wealth. Moore has sympathy for the crew, but little for his captors, who are portrayed as cruel, sometimes comical and often stupid, a “bumbling criminal tag team” of guards, negotiators, and bosses united by greed and clan.

Moore’s talent for dark observational humor is used to great effect and leavens what might, in another writer’s hands, have been a relentlessly bleak book.

His eventual release, after the payment of an undisclosed though undoubtedly more modest ransom than initially demanded, and scratched together by his mother, offers almost instant Schadenfreude for the reader when his pirate captors get into a deadly altercation over the ransom. There follows a disappointingly short section dealing with Moore’s struggle to readjust to a liberty so long lost, which seems only to skim across the surface of a psychological distress that, one imagines, must linger.

Moore did not die for his story, but he suffered deeply and helplessly. Yet the book Moore has written, while clearly not the one he would’ve chosen, provides rare insight into Somali piracy and is an important addition to that most traumatic and illuminating genre of nonfiction, the hostage memoir.

¤

Tristan McConnell is a foreign correspondent in Nairobi, Kenya.

Published in LARB on July 24th, 2018

QARANKAAB; WAXAY ISTUSTAY DADWEYNIHII IYO MADAXDII U ADEEGAYSAYE,MA JIRO WAX KALE OO LAGU HAYSTO

Inkastoonan anaan farsamo ahaan difaacayn Qaabka uu barnaamijka la magac baxay 'Qarankaab' u shaqeynayay, maadaamo oo aanan tafaasiil badan ka haysan nidaamka (methodology) uu u maray xog ururintiisa amaba uu xogahaasi u lafaguray marka ay samaynayeen qiimaynta ay inoo sheegeen. Waayo illaa imika maan fahmin miqyaaska ama halbeegga ay adeegsadaan waxa uu yahay, ee u suurtogaliyay inay si sax ah u qiimeeyaan hay'ado maamul oon isku imkaaniyaad ahay, hadday tahay miisaaniyad iyo farsamaba (shaqaale iyo qalab), waliba kale ujeeddo ah. 

Markaa waan qabaa marka aynu u raacno kalmadda 'qiimayn' in ay jiri karaan farsamo ahaan qaladaad, ama waxyaabo ka dhiman oo ceeb ku noqon kara natiijada qiimayneed ee lagu kala sarraysiiyay hay'adaha.

Haddii uu baranaamijku se leeyahay ceebo ama mad-madaw farsamo, ma qabo inay ujeeddadiisu xuntahay marka dhanka fiican laga eego. Cidda se ina leh ujeeddooyin gaar ah ayaa laga leeyahay, xujadu iyaday saantahay oo laga rabaa inay dadka u caddayso xaqiiqadaasi qarsoon. In badan ayaynu aragnay masuul xukuumadeed oo saxaafadda ku leh "igu soo caddeeya waxaad iga sheegteen", Taas teedii ayaa haysata Wasiirka Warfaafinta Guribarwaaqo waayo muu dhaliilin barnaamijka oo qudha, balse wuxuu wax ka sheegay daacadnimada cidda hawshani wadda. Sharci ahaan, ma jiro qof xaq u leh (darajaduu doono ha lahaadee) in uu ku eedeeyo qof kale waxaanu caddayn karin.

Taas haddaan intaas ku dhaafo, waxaan qabaa inuu barnaamijkani ujeedadii doonoba halaga lahaadee, uu kor u qaaday wacyigii bulshada oo ay dadku ogaadeen muhimadda ay leedahay inay la socdaan waxa ay hay'adaha dawladda ee kala duwani ay u qabtaan, isla markaana uu barnaamijkani uu noqday arrin ku kallifay inay qaar madaxda kamid ahi ka hadlaan waxqabadkooga. 

Haddii ay dadku ay xog ka waayeen dhankii haya'adaha, oo ay yartahay in aad hesho hay'ad leh websayd ay kaga warbixiso waxqabadyadeeda iyo barnaamijyadeeda, inta lehna aanay dib-u-cusboonaysiin joogta ah ku samayn wararkooga. Sidoo kalana aanu jirin hab cad oo u dammaanad qaadaya ciddii xog-raadinaysa (access to information), inay xogtaasi ka hesho hay'ada ay rabto inay adeeggeega wax ka ogaato, miyaanay dadweynaha u furnayn inay si kasta oo ay xog ku heli karto u rux-ruxdo meeshaasi degamsan?

Waxa dhacda inay madax badani inoo sheegaan warbixino ay xaqiiqadeeda buun-buuniyeen, iyo waxyaabo ay ku andacoonayaan inay qabteen oo aynaan si uga wada garaabin, maadaamo oo aanay ku salayn warkooda xaqiiqooyin sugan oo tirkoob ku dhisan (facts and figures) oo tilmaamaya runnimada sheekadooda, amaba aanu masuulku inoo caddayn halbeegga uu isku qiimeey marka uu ina leeyahay "waxbarashadii waan horumariyay",isagoo Dugsi dhawr qol ah furaya, ama uu ku kale leeyahay "caafimaadkii meel fiicanbuu marayaa intaan xilka hayay' isagoon sheegin adeeg la taaban karo oo inaga furtay culays hore oo jiray. Ma akaadamibaa taasi? kkk. Markaas madaxdu guud ahaan ma fasaxbay u haystaan inay waxay doonaan inoo sheegaan, run iyo been? Qof shicibana haddii ay ka maqlaan weedh uu ku saluugsanyahay adeeg-fulintoodana, ama uu soo gudbiyo in gaar ah oon ku qanacsanayn waxay madaxdu sheegto, ma waxa lagu aamusiinayaa "ma diiwaangashanid? ama ruqsad uma haystid in aad been shigtid sida madaxda ( waa haddii been u arkaan hadalkiisa)? Misa marka la deedafaynayo tiisa waxa lagu odhanayaa ma tihid qof akaadamiya, oo ma garanaysida waxaad ku hadlayso? Amaba umaad hadlin si akaadamik ah? iyo bla bla? Yaa inagu yidhi Akaadamik uunbaa wax sheegi kara?

Waxaan ku odhan lahaa madaxda, Iska dhagaysta wixii aad u aragtaan inayna akaadamik ahayn, annaguba wax badan oon akaadami ahayn ama cilmibaadhis ku dhisnaynbaanu idinka dhagaysannaaye, Xaqna waad u leedihiin inaad wax diiddaane, ama dareentaan in aragti qaldan la idinka fidiyay, amaba laga qaaday xafiisyada aad madaxda ka tahay, ama barnaamij kamid barnaamijyada uu wado, markaas xaq uma lihidin inaad awood wax-ku-saxdaane, waa inaad si macquul ah oo wax-qancin ah (persuasive means) kaga jawaab-celisaan.

Tallaabada uu qaaday Wasiir Guribarwaaqo ee ku lidk ah kooxda qaran kaab, waa falcelin caadifadaysan iyo cago-jugleyn awoodeed oon ku salaynayn nuxur iyo ujeeddo fog. in aanay nuxur lahaynna ama ujeeddo maamul oo cad,  waxa marag kuugu filan inay arrimaha la taaban karo ee uu qoraalkiisu ku eedaynayo Qarankaab ay yihiin kuwo aan dhaafanayn "Nidaam-maris la'aan" (procedural issue not a substantive issue) tusaale ahaan "fasax looma haysan"  hawshan la qabtay, iyo looma marin nidaam cilmiyeed qaabka  wax loo qaabtay.

Su'aashe la isweydiinayaa waxa weeyi, si la idiin qiimeeyo haddaad tihiin xukuumadii ama masuuliyiinteediiba, ma ruqsadbaa la idinka qaadanayaa? ma se la aamini karaa kuwaad dadka ka dhex doorataan ee aad ruqsadda u siisaan qiimeyntiinna ? ma se laga yaabaa, inay cid idin qiimeyn kartaa oo leh awooddeedii farsamo ay idinka heli lahayd ruqsaddaasi marka la eego siday maanta falcelintiinnu tahay?

Su'aalahaas haddaan u dhaafo dadweynaha, tan akaadami la'aanta ee ku duray nidaamka farsamo ee barnaamijkani ku shaqeynayo, oo ah doodda ugu dhaw een anba ku raaci karo Wasiirka, sidan xagga sare ku soo sheegayna anba aan u arkay in aanu habraaciisu caddayn (Methodology). Wuxuu se wasiirku isba ogyahay in marka indho cilmiyeed wax ku lafagurayo aanay sida uu uga falceliyay arrintani anaay ahayn hab akaadamiya. Qoraalka wasaaraddu inama siinin xog-cilmiyeed cusub oo si xeeldheer u naqdinaysa farsamada Qarankaabtu adeegsatay, sidoo kalana qoraalku ma soo-jeedin tallooyin sheegaya sidii ay sax ay wax ku ahaan lahaayeen marka la doonayo in la sameeyo qiimayn wax-qabad oo natiijadeeda lagu qancin karo,

Wasiir Guribarwaaqo waxay ahayd in uu ka aqoon-yahan ahaan saxo innamada iyo barnaamijkooda, una iftiimiyo waxyaabaha ka dhiman ee hagaajin kara kalsoonida ay tahay in lagu qabo qiimayntooda. Balse may ahayn in Akaadiminnimada iyo Ruqsad-bixinta Maamul ay noqdaan wax la isku cabsigaliyo, ama la isku halawsado marka aynu u aragno in waxa la wadaa ay saamayn ku yeelan karto masuuliyaddeena. 

Barnaamijkani iyo kuwo lamida ahiba  bar-bilaw fiican u noqon karaan kuwa kale oo farsamo ahaan iyo baaxad ahaanba ka heersarreeya oo wax lagu ogaado halka ay dadweynaha iyo adeeg-bixiyayaasha dadweynuhu kala taaganyihiin, Waxaanay horseed u noqon lahaayeen bisayl bulsho iyo dadka oo uu garaadkoogu ka koro ardaayada reeraha, oo u guntada sidii ay wax ula qabsan lahaayeen cidda wax u qabanaysa ee ay arkaan in aanay taagteeda waxba kala hadhin.  Kuwa aan wax-tarka lahayn ee kuraasta buuxiyayna, aan loogu xilqariyeen amaba aan laga ogolaadeen in aanu ku dhex-dhuuman guuxa kuwa kale ee aanu waxba ku lahayn,

Markaas waxaan soo jeedin lahaa, in aan aragti kooban oo siyaasadeed iyo dano-gaar ahaaneed lagu horistaagin hal-abuurka cusub ee ay ka dhalan karto ujeeddooyin fog-fog wax-badali kara. Tan iyo kuwa kale oo lamida oo kor-uqaadaya kala-warhelista shacabka iyo cidda u adeegaysaa waa arrimo u baahan in la taageero, wixii nidaam ahaan ka qaldan ama awood ahaan ka qabyo ahna la saxo.  

Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul 

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID THE TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH. By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID  THE TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH.

 By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (waddi12@gmail.com)

Advocate Ba'alul.

Exporting southern troubles to the north will not be a solution for the war-torn population in Mogadisho and Kismayo. Being free from war businesses in Somalia, Farmajo’s presidency seems to be a glimpse of hope for those who learned his appearance in Shekh Sharif's interim government. Because of his inexperience and untested personality, Farmajo seems to be unwise when he was tempted into Arb’s tug-of-war games.

Although Sool was politically unresolved contention, it is evident that Puntland, before Farmajo’s tenure, were unwilling to attain its territorial claims through deadly military engagements.  Last months,  It was evident that Farmajo were doing whatever he could to disturb Somaliland’s investment opportunity, in which Dubai and Ethiopia are expected to develop the infrastructure of Ber-bara port.  Farmajo was doing this to please his Qatari and Turkish patrons, disregarding the development that this investment will contribute to the region. He mobilized his Mogadisho Parliament to ridiculously outlaw the tripartite treaty, and ousted Jaware (Chairman of parliament) who appeared to be confused with the substance of that motion. Respectively, they never stopped to call the Security Council attention to terminate the investment deal, and now, enough to sink the ship; Farmajo is building up armies and weapon in the name of Darodism along the border.

Before those manipulations, Puntland as next door, it had shared common things with Somaliland.  Both administrations had demonstrated gesture of friendship and cooperated in many aspects ranging from security to Commerce, and social movements as well.  The political stability and the resilience of Somaliland provided a model of  institutionalization for Puntland—which is the only region that succeeded to build up a functioning administration in Somalia.  Its insistence to do business with UAE in defiance to the Federal policies which came after Somaliland's handshakes with Emirate, is a good reflection.

If we put it in Somaliland’s Perspective, despite of maritime competition, the latest transaction between UAE and Garowe was seen a good direction. Mostly people argue that they have a right to develop their Bosaso infrastructure in the same way that Mogadisho improved its air and seaports with the Turkish investments. Recent Military incursions are not taken to the extreme, but if asked Somalilanders will not refuse to admit what the stability of Puntland's polity means to them, since it provides Somalialnd a buffer against the stresses of South.

What makes Sool and Sanaag to be a contentious issue was not the cross-bordering tribalism that is recently activated by Garoowe administration.  These claims were not  heard before Abdillahi Yousuf came into the sight in 1998. It is him, who told that including Dhulbahante and Warsengali figures in Garowe conference was not more than a political maneuver aimed to disturb Somaliland's Effort toward recognition. On the other hand, Somaliland had no interventionist policy and the proof is that it had done nothing to interrupt the arrangements of Puntland's First Conference, whereas Mr Yousuf admitted in his Halgan and Hagardamo book his involvement in that Sool and Sanag-related conspiracies before the foundation of his Garowe bureaucracy .

It is good for Puntland's unskilled leader, and his colleague, Farmajo, to read the memoir of their Forefather (Abdillahi Yousuf) before they answer whether Tukaraq is a worth-fighting issue or not.  Today Las-anod is left to itself and its public directly choose their local councils; since Garoowe had failed to get its first elected Mayor.  The basic question that one should ask himself/herself Is whether the Abdulhakeem Amey of Puntland  is the true advocate for Sool people, or the 25 councilors whom they supported with their votes?

If Puntland claims on Sool and Sanaag territories on the basis of its blood-relation are reasonable; it should define its attitude towards the people whom their relatives are coexisting; are they casted from another planet? It is shame for Abdiwali, to engage his peace-loving people into the uncertainty of a brand-new, ethnicity-related hostility. He was thought to be as wise as any civilized academician. No one can deny that the heat of internal political campaigns are using Sool and Sanaag issue as tortuous test against him. Because his dissidents knew that this subject can't fail to be an slap on the face. Far from being constructive, he succumbed to that short-sighting pressures and started to inflame worn-out, inter-clan animosities by portraying the presence of Somaliland troops in that regions as an intrusion of Isak dynasty.

Previously, Abdillahi Yousuf had failed to adopt his Nazi-like pan-darodism advocacy, when lower juba Marehans of Kismayo refused to be dictated from Graroowe, and chose non clan-related  alliance with another group (Hawiye, eyr).  Whereas Ogadens conceded to be Ethiopian Somalis and recognized the international borders. So what make Abdiwali's approach more reasonable? Is there a well-defined social topography that demarcates Harti-clans from their neighboring clans?

 Whatever their clans,  Sool and Sanaag populations are interwoven society. They are ecologically compelled to live side by side, despite of their lineage diversity. The socio-economic structure of this area is non-urbanized, sparsely populated, where lives of its communities depend on sharing pasture and water. That is why the dissidence of Diaspora and certain office-holders in Garoowe are inciting things which they did not set in the real context.

Yes, there are many things that are wrong in the make-up of Somaliland’s political structure. And I believe that wrongs cannot be righted by those who hang-out in Garoowe, but by those whom the life and the development of their constituency is concerned. Although Somaliland is not a politically repressive or restricted environment, it has to do more to demonstrate its willingness to actually respond to the political grievances of Sool and Sanaag people.

There should be more openness and flexibility from the part of the government, whenever the question of what the future of Somaliland's statehood holds for non-isaks, is on the table. Thanks to intellectuals like Ali Khalif, Ahmed Samatar and Hagle-tosiye who shared the conviction that says 'Sool and Awdal should not treat themselves as the guests that wait to be served, but they should stand to the ‘heat of the political kitchen'.

Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi (waddi12@gmail.com), 063 44 88011. 

WE SHOULD CHANGE OUR DISCOURSE ON HISTORICAL COMMEMORATIONS: PLACING EMPHASIS ON PRINCIPLES NOT EVENTS by Advocate; Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul.

Advocate Ba'alul. 

When the cave you fear to enter holds the treasure you seek, there is no option, but to do what UFO club, and students of Farah Omar school did 38 years ago. The dark cave was General Geelle's court and its show trials. Cognizant of his repressive decisions against UFO youth, massive  protests led by students had broken the silence of fear. That event shook bells and awakened public attention, wiped the silent tears from the desperate faces and shone the gloomy hearts with the beams of hope. It was the day that public had witnessed the brutalities of the police state.   Waves of protesters— arming with stones, and screaming anti-government slogans had streamed into the streets and daringly confronted the deadly bullets of the regime.

Following  Muj, Hassan Keyd's attempted coup in 1961, two decades later UfO Pioneers had sparked social engagements as a response to the neglected public services. In a politically strained atmosphere, where SRSP was the only association that could make a public speech or had the license to assemble, UFO's defiance was a landmark victory for the Liberties (Freedoms of Speech/assembly and association) of Somaliland People. UFO members as they are labeled, was not a protest movement, but a civil and non-politically association founded in Hargeisa, under the name of RUDM (Ragga U dhashay Magaalada).

What made UFO to be UFO, did not come by the virtue of the advocacy of those guys, but the tyranny of regime’s policies. Instead of attempting to assure social grievances, the government had added fuel to the fire, when it had launched arbitrary arrests and persecutions. It had damned the patients rather than healing the disease. Public grievances and their dissatisfaction with the worn-out services, ended up with waves of arbitrary engagements that brought intrinsic enmities to light. 

  

President Mose Behi invited UFO members to the Presidential Palace 

Restrictions to the freedom of Association or assembly do not confine to the past or the military junta that once ruled, but it is a dynamic question that lies behind repressive regime and the 28 veterans of UFO club. Every political elite, whether it comes to power through military means or popular support, it is presumed to be susceptible to the social liberties.

What made things worst was the intolerance and the systematic brutalities of Siyad Barre's policies. The consequences would have been different  if less harsh and manipulative techniques were put in place. 

Even today, arbitrary measures restraining freedom of assembly are found often in the political practice. We have seen Dahir Rayale's sensitivity to the political engagements led by QARAN or UDHIS  members. Another example, is the Warran-cadde's order against the National Meeting which was jointly proposed by the opposition and Madasha Panel. Also, Amid to the call of the open-forum, intensive media campaign against the Madasha Veterans, is the implication of the political reaction of the ruling elite.

Other restraints, are the recurring attempts of Somaliland governments which are intended to keep outspoken critics from public avenues. Owners of private hotels, particularly beneficiaries of state contracts are caught in the middle of political battles. It was May 2009, when all heats were turned on Kulmiye party, and the planned event of their front-runner had ended up to an outdoor rally in the vicinity of Crown Hotel. Also owing to the authorities,  Jamal Ali Hossein's Ucid wing were locked out from Assembly Halls, whereas Faysal Ali Warabe's Conference took place in Hadhwanaag Hotel.

Here is the irony, when we choose to live with the pathology of dictatorship diseases. In this self-contradictory political context, One should contend that what we have nowadays, is not the alternative government we had preferred. Without being quick to blame, i have to say that we have a hollow democracy instead of a fake democracy, as our constitutional polity proves to be less responsive and less representative. On almost every single concern, whether you know them as People's Houses or Parliament, they are going against what most of Somalilanders want. 

All public sacrifices did not stem from an expressed disbelief at Pan-somalist Utopia, nor social defiance against Barre's autocracy only, but collective determination towards liberty and the dignity of humanity. Thus, for the commemorations to serve the common ideals and principles we share as a society. The daring initiative of UFO activists and similar landmark sacrifices, should not be presented as legendary tales that confine to specific settings, and characters.

What is more significant, is the cause and ideals, to whom sake, all efforts were made. When are land-marking, the deadly protest of Dhagaxtur event, we should evaluate the position of the incumbent administration to the freedom of association, and how the preservation of this liberty is getting along. If we abandon the subjective discourse; or pinning all devils to those who ran public affairs in 1980s, we can prepare the society to understand the tendencies that might take it to  the "slippery road" of the past. To sum up, we should look back yesterday through analytical lens that represents the intrinsic social ideals of freedom and liberties, rather than narrative discourse that unfolds events as they were at that time.

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (LLB); An independent legal researcher and analyzer.

(waddi12@gmail.com)

LABBISKII CUSBAA EE IMBARAADOORKA. Qalinkii Hans Christian Andersen, tarjumiddii Garyq. Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul

Garyaqaan Bacaluul. 

Bari hore waxa jiri jiray nin Imbaradoor ahaa oo labbiska cusub aad u jeclaan jiray, Dan kamuu lahaan jirin arrimaha taagan ee hadba lasoo darsa Imbaradooriyada uu xukumo, dagaallada lagu jiro, tirada ciidamadee kaga dhinta, iyo duruufaha nololeed ee ay la noolyihiin dadka uu u taliyo. Wuxuu dadka usoo bixi jiray uun maalinta uu xidho dhar cusub oo loo soo tolay. Waxa la sheegaa inay maalin walba dawaarlayaashu saf usoo gali jireen, si ay ugu soo bandhigaan hadba labbisyada ay faraha ka qaadaan. 

Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah waxa soo baxay oo imbaraadooriyada yimid laba nin oo u sheegtay inay yihiin dhartolayaashii ugu farsamada fiicnaa adduunyada, kuwaasi oo u yimid sidii ay Imbaradoorka ugu samayn lahaayeen labbis aan wali loo tolin boqor kale oo adduunyada ku nool.

Haddii ay u yimaadeen Imbaradoorkii, waxay u sheegeen inay u samayn doonaan dhar mucjiso ah, oo aanay harqadda laga tolayo oollin geyiga. Waa harqad aanay arki karin Maangaabka iyo cidkasta oo  imbaraadooriyadda ka haya xil  aanu u qalmin.

“Dharkani waaba mid la yaableh” ayuu ku yidhi imbaraadoorkii inta uu jalleecay halkii ay soo tubnaayeen Madaxyo-weyntiisii. Waxa uu Imbaraadoorku markaas ku fadhiyay Kursigii wuxuuna si fiican dhegta ugu raaricinayaa sheekada labada dawaarleh. 

 “Oo markaan sidaas u xidhaba waxaan ogaan doona raga ka tirsan Imbardooriyaddayda een u qalmin xilalka ay hayaan, maantaaban kala saari doonaa kooga caqliga badan iyo kooga doqonka ah, wax badanbay I halawsadeen oo ay qaar badan iskaga kay dhigeen talo-ruug ”

Imbaraadoorkii lacag ciiddaas leeg ayuu ku tisay labadii nin, si ay markiiba ay shaqada u bilaabaan. Iyaguna markiiba hawshii gale. Mid kamida oo iska dhigayay inuu harqaddii mucjisada ahayd sido, ayaa iska dhigay inuu miiskii ku kala fidinayo, kii kalana waxaabu mitirinayaa miiskii madhnaa, kadibna miiskii lalahaa haraaqbaa saaran ayuu qalin kolba dhan u dulmarinayaa isagoon taabsiinayn, hadana maqas ayuu hawada raacinaya, isagoo iska yeel-yeelay sidii nin kolba dacal soo qabanaya marad, oo hadana isku laabaya. kadibna wuxuu ula dhaqaaqayaa kii kale oo makiinaddii dawaarka dul fadhiyay. Waxay iska dhigeen kuwa mashquulsan.
 "dahabkii mee aan ku tolee,"
"waa tanee hoo",
"meeday xariirtii ugu qaalisanayd aan ku taxee", iyo waa kanee hoo.
Waxay  labadan xariif isku fid-fidinayaan waa faro madhan. Waxay se matalayaan dhaq-dhaqaaqii iyo wadashaqayntii ay lahaan jirtay, hawlkasta oo dhartolid ahi. 

Boqorkii oo doonayay inuu soo ogaado halka ay hawshu marayso ayuu hadana xasuustay sheekadii ahayd “Waxa labbiskan arki karaa uun kuwa u qalma xilka ay hayaan” Waxaabu ka baqay inuu isaga laftiisu arki kari waayo labbiskaasi. Wuxuu ka war-waray labiskaasi la sheegayay, ee ay cid waliba hadal hayso, ee lawada doonayo in lasoo bandhigo. Xataa dadkii jaararka ahaaba, isku carinaya, oo leh , inta labbiskaasi Imbaradoorku soo baxayaaba ka hadhsan, inta la ogaanayo doqonniimadaada.

Imbaradoorkii ay talo ku ciirtay, oo goonidiisa iskula hadlaya,
 "Waxaan u diri doonaa ninka ugu daacadsan, ugu waayo-aragsan, uguna caqliga badan la taliyayaashayda". Hadana wuxuu isweydiiyay ninkaasi kuu yahay, waxaanu si hoose isku leeyahay "Waa kuma ninka ugu macquulsan, ee la isla wada qirayo in aanay jirin cid kaga haboon xilkiisa?”

Dadkii ka ag dhawaa ee uu xilalka muhiimka ahaa uu u dhiibay ayuu maskaxdiisa kawada xaadiriyay, waxaanu ka dhex xushay ninkii u u diri lahaa Labis-tolayaasha. Odaygii caqli wanaagga iyo waayo-aragnimada loo tirinayay haddii uu tagay halkii loo diray, oo uu galay hoolkii ay labada xariif ay labbiska beenta ah ku tolayeen. Wuxuu arki waayay wax maro-sheegta oo meesha ka muuqata.

 “Mee wixii la sheegayay, ee ay lahaayeen waanu tolaynaa, hal dun ah oo ii muqataaba meesha ma taallee” ayuu cod hoose isku yidhi, isagoo indhaha galka kasoo saaray. Labadii khaayin, markay odaygii arkeen, ayaabay salaam iyo baashiraad kala horyimaadeen, hadal darandoori ah ayay loo boobeen. Odaygii ayaabay gacanta qabteen, iyagoo leh naga eeg labiskaanu tolnay, waxay dul keeneen miis dheer oo aanay waxba ka muuqan dushiisa. Mid kamida ayaa ku yidhi sug aan kala bixiyo labiska eh, kadibna intuu sidii oo uu wax ka dul qaadayo miiska ku foorarsaday, ayuu hadana sidii oo uu kor u hayo labiskiia ayuu gacmihiisa kor u qaaday, kadibna kala bixiyay. Kii kale oo hareer taagan, ayaa odaygii ku yidhii  "Bal eeg dharkaan tolnay ! ma ku cajabiyay midabkoogu? Ka warran luulka aanu luqunta iyo garbaha kaga taxnay? Ka warran sidaanu xariirtaasi ugu  jeeniqaarno koodhka"
"Miyaanay dunta midabkaasi leh idhaha soo jiidanayn !" 

Huuhaadii darandooriga ahayd, ayuu odaygu kolba mid is yidhaahdaa bal tanna arag, oo uu indhaha mar-marba ka dambaysa ku caddeeyaa halka madhan ee ay faruhoogu marayaan. 

“Yaah, oo kaallay ma sidan baa iga dhab ah” ayuu isyidhi, “ oo ma anaaba doqonkii la sheegayay noqday? Oo haddaan anigu arki waayay, yaa kalee arki doono toloow? Xataa anigu haddaan is ogaan waayay, oo ay caqliyaraan iga ahayd taasi, maxaan u waayay cid kale oo ogaata xisgaabnidayda? Xataa Imbaraadoorkana dhahoo? Markaas ma maantaan isfashilaa oon yidhaahdaa waxaan arkii waayay labbiskii mucjisada ahaa, maya isa sheegi maayo, oo odhan maayo waan arki kari waayay.

Nimankii oo eegaya odaygii oo isku maqan, wax jawaab ahna aan wali u celin ayuu mid ka mida raggii sugi waayay oo ku yidhi “ Xaaji miyaad la ashqaraartay labbiska, maxaa ku aamusiiyay, wali noomaad sheegin inaad la dhacday dharkan aanu Imbaradoorka u tolnay iyo in kale eh” isagoo dareenkiisa soo celinaya.

 “ Alla waa heer sare, waligayba maan arag kuwan oo kale” ayuu lasoo booday odaygii, isaga ood moodo inuu su'aasha ku ambabaray.

“Haa midabkaa aad sheegaysay ee sidaas ah ayaa Imbaradoorka maraya, Farshaxannimadiina waan hubaa inuu la dhici doono, markaan u sifeeyo. Bal iigu celi farshaxannimadii, aan isla sidaad u sharraxday ugu sharraxee”.

Haddiiba ay dib u bilaabeen, inay bandhigii ku celiyaan, wuxuu odaygii isku dayay inuu eray eray u xafido tilmaamihii ay ka bixinayeen Labiska ay diyaariyeen, Cabirradii, midabaddii, maryihii kale duwanaa ee ay ku kale taxeen, kuway ka luleen, liidadkay u samaynayeen iyo waxkastaba. Talooyinkii ay waydiinayeen, ee ay ku lahaayeen haddaanu halkaas sidaas ka dhigno ka warran, waabu ku raacay oo madaxuu u lulay.

Odaygii ku soo noqay Qasrigii Imbaradoorka, wax walbana ugu sheeg sidii loogu soo bandhigay. Imbaraadoorkii kumuu qancin sheekadii uu ka gurayay odaygii sahanka u ahaaye, wuxuu  hadana mid kale oo raggii uu garashada ku tuhmayay ka mid ah uu u diray, halkii labbisku ee ay hawshu socotay, si uu usoo hubiyo waxan uu odaygu ka warramay. Isna markii uu kusoo noqday, warkii odayga mid la mid ah ayuu u sheegay.

Imbaradoorkii oo is hayn kari la', doonayana inuu ka salgaadho warkan la siiyay, ayaa isasii daayay si uu usoo arko mucjisadan ay raggiisu isku raaceen. Wuxuu kaxaystay labadii nin ee u akiday inay soo arkeen labbiskii oo diyaarsan, iyo dhawr nin oo uu kaga kalsoonaa inta kale. Markay arkeen Nimankii dhartolayaasha ahaa Imbaradoorkii oo xaggooga usoo socda, ayay iska dhigeen kuwa mashquulsan oo laab-laabaya Labiskii beenta ahaa.

Miyaanay farsamadoodu cajiib ahayn ayuu yidhi” mid kamida raggii sahanka ahaa ee hore loosoo diray.  “Haddii aad Mudane aragtid, sida layaabka leh ee ay waliba kuugu qiyaaseen, una garteen dookhaaga, wax kale ka sheekayn maysid baryahan”.

Imbaradoorka laftiisiiba, ayaa wajiga isgaliyay oo is yidhi “Waa sidee !” “ Oo ma anigaaba noqday kii la sheegay een arki karayn labiska, een xilkiisa u qalmin.

 "Maya" inta uu dhoolla caddayn been ah muujiyay ayuu isagoo jaahwareersan ku dhawaaqay

"Alla, waar cajiibsanaa !
waligayba maan arag cid sidan wax u tosha, tolmihiinu waa heersare”

"Sidaasaaban ku aqbalay, oon idinkaga guddoomay” Ayuu raaciyay imbardoorkii, isagoo wali indhaha ku haya, halkii looga tilmaamay inuu Labiska ku diyaarsanyahay.  Midkastoo la socday wuxuu indhaha ku mudayaa halkii madhnayd, isagood moodo inuu  indhahiisa qasab kaga doonayo inay tusaan waxaan meeshaba oollin. Midbaaba mar-maranaya indhaha, oo haddana markuu ka war helo mid kale oo hoosta ka eegaya , isku naxaya oo odhanaya "Labbiska widh-widhkiisa ayaa indhaha iga qabtay".

Boqorkii ayay ku yidhaahdeen bal isku eeg, kadibna inta uu iska bixiyay maryihii uu xidhnaa, oo isku soo reebay intuu hoosta ka gashanaa, ayay labadii xariif iska dhigeen, kuwa u galinaya Labbiskii beenta ahaa, Wuxuu mid kamida labadan tuug iska dhigayaa mid kolba soo qabanaya waxa loo baahanyahay ee Imbaradoorka loo xidhayo, halka uu kan kalena uu iska yeel-yeelayo sidii mid kolba u galinaya shayga loo dhiibayo. oo waxaabu leeyahay kolba gacan keen, haddan lug keen. Haddii Koodhkii loo xidhay, iskaafkii oo u dambeeyayna luqunta uu ugu duubay, ayuu dib uga baxay oo iska dhigay mid eegaya sida uu ugu soo baxayImbaraadoorku labiska cusub.

“Cajabeey, bal hannaanka iyo haybadiisa eega” ayuu ku yidhi nimankii Imbaradoorka la socday. 

Wuxuu Imbaraadoorkii u soo kexeeyay qol ay darbiyadiisa ku xidhantahay Muraayad weyni oo la isku arki karo dul iyo hoos, oo sii jeed iyo soo jeedba iskaa tusaysa. Markii uu qolka soo galay ee uu isha qac ku siiyay humaagiisa, ayay naxdintii meeli go’day, wuxuu se dib usoo uririyay naftiisii ay ‘ku baahday’, kuna dadaalay sidii aan dareenkiisa iyo jaahwareerkiisa muraayadda looga dhex arki lahayn. Isaga oo isdiidsiinaya muuqalkiisa dhabta ah ee ka hormuuqda waxa uu bilaabay inuu kolba dhinac iskaga eego muraayadda, isaga oo wer-wekiisa ku qarinaya qosol aan ka tarjumayn xaaladdii uu saacaddaasi ku sugnaa. 

Ma jiro qof qudha oo intii meesha joogtay kamida, oo qiran kara in aanu arkayn Labiskan beenta ee la leeyahay Imbaradoorkaa loo xidhay, waayo waxay ka baqayeen inay xilkooga waayaan, ama ay halkaasi ceebi ka raacdo. 

Iyagoo oo wali meeshii jooga, ayuu dibadda uga baxay uugaan iyo sawaxan xooggani, waaba magaaladii oo oodaheedii wadata, Markii ay dadku maqleen in Imbaradoorkii uu labiskii mucjisada ahaa soo gashanayo, ayaabay sugi kari waayeen, una soo baratameen halkii dharka lagu diyaarinayay. 

Labdii khaayin, ayaa Imbaradoorkii kula taliyay inuu u soo baxo dadka, oo uu la dhexmaro Labiskan mucjisada ee ay u xidheen.

Naxdin weynaa !

Imbaraadoorkii ayay talo ku ciirtay. Waxaana loosii galbiyay xaggii dadku ku xoonsanaa, isagoo qaawan oo sidii uu ku soo dhashay ah balse lagu qanciyay inuu xidhanyahay Labbis aanay doqonniimadu arki karin. Wuxuu dhex lugaynayaa jidadka waaweyn ee Magaalada, isagoo raxan daawadayaal ah iyo ilaaladiisii daba guurayso oo luqunta taagaya oo aanay kaba qasnayn. Dadweynuhu - carruur iyo cirroolaba, rag iyo dumarba waa in daba ugaamaysa iyo in hareero tuban jidadka  Magaalada. Kolba inta uu hormarayo ee safka taagan waxa ay ku dhawaaqayaan "Qurux badanaa Labbiska Imbaradoorku” iyada  oo qof kastaaba isdaadraacinayo dhawaaqa baxaya, naftiisana hafraya. Kalmaddaasi oo ay labadii Xariif dadka afka ugu rideen judhii horaba markii ay boqorka u soo saareen dadweynaha.

 “Oo ma isagaa waxba xidhanba?" oo cod dheer ah, ayaa laga dhex maqlay dadka dhexdiisii. Waxa ay taasi ka soo yeedhay gabadh da'deedu aad u yartahay oo aabaheed gacanta hayo dareenkii dadka ayay weedhaasi soo wada jeedisay. Bal dhagaysta wuxuu sabigan yar een dambiba lahayni waxa uu ku dhawaaqay? ayuu yidhi Aabaheed isagoo ku faanaya yartiisa. Maxay tidhi? ayuu ku kale ku dhawaaqay, Dadkii ka ag dhawaa ee maqlayay oo u jawaabaya, ayaa hal mar ku wada dhawaaqay:

“Ma isagaa waxba xidhanba”

“Ma isagaa waxba xidhanba” 
"Ma isagaa waxba xidhanba"

Imbardoorkii ayaa isku yax-yaxay, oo naxdin iyo khajilaad la gariiray. Gartayna inay run tahay waxay dadku sheegayaan, oo uu Qaawanyahay. Balse wuxuu go'aansady in uu iska xamilo illaa inta lala soo gaadhayo Kursigii Qafilnaa ee qasriga lagu geyn jiray. 

               [  Dhammaad ]

..............................       ...........       .....................         ..................       ..................     .................   .................

Waa kuma Hans Christian Anderson?

Waa Qoraa dhaanish ah, oo noolaa Qarnigii 19-aad, waxa sheekadan mala’awaalka ah suugaan ahaan  loogu tarjumay in ka badan 100 af. Waxa la  daabacay, lana faafiyay 1837-kii. Walaw tarjume ahaan, aanan  sheekadan hab suugaaneed, oo farshaxaysan oo u dhaw-dhaw sida loogu tarjumay afka Engiriisiga ee aan ku akhriyay aanan u tarjumin, amaba aanan usoo bandhigin sida uu qoraagu ugu nuux-nuuxsaday humaagaynteeda, waxaan jeclaystay uun in aan inta afsoomaaliga wax ku akhrida la wadaago. Sidoo kale meeris-meeris umaan raacin qoraalka sheekada, waxaan se afsoomaali ahaan kusoo  koobay dhacdooyinka si nuxurkeeda hore loogu gaadho. Waxaanan ka cududr daaranayaa akhristaha in aanan waqti badan oo ay mudnayd tabinta  sheekadani aanan galin.. 

Tarjume: Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.