SHARCIGU MIYUU DAALIN UMMADEED QARIYAA?

"Ma sheegi karno ganacsatada aanu ku qabanno se keena alaabo dhacay ama bilaa tayo ah,..... Xeerbaa noo diidiya". Sidaa waxa yidhi masuul kamida saaraakiisha hay'adda Tayada ee Sonalilanf mar lagu Waraysanayay TV-ga ee MMTV.

In hal shakhsi oo macaash-doon ah, oo u badheedhay in uu halis galiyo bulshadeena oo dhan la dhawro danihiisa gaarka ah, ma waxa ay ka weyntahay tan guud ee ay dawladnimadu u joogto ilaalinteeda? 

     Qofka qof dila ayaaba magiciisa oo saddexan la baahiyaaye, oo la sheegaa in la qabtay, la dabajoogo ama la xikumaye, sidee ayay suurtogal u tahay in la yidhaahdo ha loo qariyo bulshada, mid sida ay u dhantahay ugu talogalay inuu wada sumeeyo, xoogaaga ay haystaana uu been kaga furto? 

     Hadda kuwaasi waa cadaw ama dulin dadka ku dul nool dhiiggooga iyo dhididkooga oo dawo uga dhigaya waxaanay ku dawobayn,  oo fursad u siinaya in uu cudur-keenihii (germs) uu kusii baaho marba marka ka danbaysa illaa oo uu gaadho heer aan lala tacaali karin. Midda kale sharcigu ma waxa uu ilaaliyaa cidda ku xadgudubta ee iyadu dhawri weyda, misa dhibanaha?

    Weynu ognahay in aanu sharci ilaalin khatar u baahan in la iska jiro halista lafteeda iyo cidda wadda ee ka tallaabsata xeeraka dhawra Bedqabka. Ciqaabaha sharci ee daImbiyada ay halistoodu saameyn guud leedahayna ee ka dhasha ku xadgudubka heerarka u yaalla dhawrista bedqabku maba yeelato masuuliyadoodu wax cudurdaar ah (kas-dhaaf, iwm) oo waxa la yidhaahdaa masuuliyaddaasi ka dhalataa waa mid culus ama waxa afka sharci loogu yeedhaa dambiyada ay masuuliyaddoodu culus tahay, "Strict liability offences".  

  Tusaale ahaan qofka gaadhi bilaa biriiga ah suuqa uu soo kaxaysta ee jidka lagu qabto, laguna caddeeyo, sharcigu uma eego in uu shil ku galay ama waxyeello sababay iyo in kale, sidoo kale kama dhegaysto haddii uu ku doodo "kamaan warqabin xaaladda gaadhiga", se sidiisaa ayaa dambigaas loogu qaadaa. Waxyeellada uu sababay haddii ay jirtana, wey kusii culaysisaa uun ciqaabta, ee ma aha mid dambi-falista go'aamisa. Sababta loo adkeeyayna way caddahay oo waxa la ilaalinayaa xilka qof iyo wadar ahaanba inaga saaran Ilaalinta Bedqabka Guud ee dadweynaha (Public safety and well-being).

   Nasiib darradu se waxa ay tahay, masuulkan si cad umuu sheegin illaa imika xeerkaas ilaalinaya kuwa noocaas ah ee ka shaqeynaya in la qariyo daalin haddi la iska ogaan lahaa laga waaqsan lahaa waxyeellada iyo dhagarta uu ku hayo ummadda.

  Qormadani waa falcelin (feedback,) wareysigaa ka dambeeyay markaan daawaday.

By Mohamed Ahmed Cabdi Ba'aluul
 

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA?

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA? 

  Si aad u fahamto muuqaalka guud (Political lay-out) iyo loolanka Siyaasadeed Maraykanka waa in aad fahamtaa arrimaha muhiimka ahee ay ku kala aragtida duwanyihiin labada Xisbi ee talada guud ee carrigaasi u tartama. Arrimahaasina  waxa ka mida: aragtiyaha falsafadeed, Dhaqaale (nidaamka cashuuraha iyo suuqa), Xukunka dilka ah, maamulka guud ee dawladnimada, daryeelka caafimaad (Health care),  Soo-galaytiga (immigration).

    Haddi aynu ku horayno kala-duwanaanshaha falsafadeed ee labada xisbi, oo ah kan saameynta ugu weyn ku leh masalooyinka siyaasadeed ee kale. Xisbiga dimuqraadigu aragti ahaan waa mid liberaali ah oo janjeedha dhinaca bidix. Liberaaliyadu waa aragti isbadal oo xoogeysatay qarniyadii dhexe, waxaana sal u ah fikradda odhanaysa "qofkastaaba isagaa is leh". Taas oo macnaheedu tahay qofna kuma qasbana in uu sida uu u noolaanayo uu ku raali galiyo cid kale oo aan naftiisa ahayn, sidoo kalana aanay  bulshada inteeda kale xaq u lahayn in ay u yeedhiso rabitaankooda. Walaw ay liberaaliyiintu ay sii kala xagjirsanyihiin, waxa ay kasoo horjeedaan mudnaan siinta aragtiyaha iyo xeerarka asal raaca ah ee ku sal ka leh dhaqanka bulshada oo ay diintu qeyb ka tahay. Waxaanay taas badalkeeda aaminsanyihiin in ay xeerarku dawladu noqdaan kuwa u shaqeeya sida taraafikada, oo meelaha ay is-duqeynta (rabitaanadu) ka dhici karaan uun jooga, inta kalana cida waliba ay xor u ahaato jihada ay u soconayso. Waana sababta aanu xisbigani mudnaan u siinin xeerarkii bulsho ee bud-dhiga u ahaa qoysnimada iyo xidhiidhada galmo (sida la isku gayo), iwm. 

   Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi waxyaabahaasi liddigooda ayuu qabaa. Mabda' ahaan waa  qunyar-socod (conservative) oo waxa ay xoogga saaraan in la dhawro waxyaabihii soo-jireenka ahaa ee heer qoys illaa bulsho dadku ka soo mideysnaayeen. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu qofku yahay qurub ka mida bulshada uu ku dhex noolyahay oo aanu illaa xad ka hor iman karin dhaqanka iyo caqiidada loo badanyahay, maadaama oo ay yihiin dabarka ugu adag ee isku haya xubnaha bulshada. Dawladnimadu ay waajib ku tahay in ay ilaaliso waxyaabahaasi bulshadu qiimayso sidoo kalana ay isku qiimeyso. Waxaanay ku adagyihiin arrimaha qoyska, tafiir badinta, diinta, iwm, iyaga oo intooda xagjirka ahi ay kasoo horjeedaan cid kasta oo ay u tuhmayaan in ay lasoo galayso habdhaqano kale oo qalaad. 

     Dhaqaalaha iyo sida loo maareynayo ayaa isna ah arrimaha lagu kala tagsanyahay. Xisbiga Dimuqaadigu waxa ay xoojiyaan aragtida odhanaysa "dhaqaale xor ah, oo dusha lagala socdo". Waxa ay leeyihiin waa in ay dawladdu la timaadaa siyaasado guud oo ay ku nidaamiso dhaqaalaha, sida in la cayimo ama  kor loo qaado xaddiga mushqaayadeed ee ugu hooseeya ee qofku ku shaqeyn karo saacadii (minimum wage), in xaddiga lagu salaynayo saamiga cashuureed ee ay bulshadu ku soo celinayso danaha guud uu u kala badnaado sida loo kala kiishad weyn yahay (progressive tax). In ay dawladdu isha ku hayso suuqa, kana warhayso bulshada inteeda badan ee wax laga iibinayo ee isticmaasha badeecadaha iyo adeegyada (consumer's protection), in aanay ganacsatada waaweyn ee gacanta ku haysa awoodda wax-soosaar u heshiinin sidii ay caqabadu u hordhigi lahaayeen ganacsatada dhexe ee soo koraysa iyo dabaqada dhexe ee xirfadlayda ah, sidaa aawadeedna la kala xaddido, si ay intii isku heer ahi ay goonidooda ugu tartamaan, dhaqaaluhuna u baaho.

  Qolada kale ee Jamhuurigu xagga cashuuraha, waxa ay taagantihiin aragtida odhanaysa waa in xaddi siman lagu saleeyaa cashuurta ku waajibta muwaadiniinta (fixed tax) oo aan xaddigaasi cashuureed lagu salaynin hadba inta uu yahay dakhliga uu qofku helo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu suuqu xor ahaado oo ay fursadaha iyo tayadu jaangooyaan qiimaha wax lagu kala qaadanayo; haddii ay yihiin badeecado la iibinayo iyo haddii ay yihiin saacado shaqo oo la kala iibsanayo. Dawladduna aanay far-farayn ama xakamaynin nidaamka ganacsi ee sida dabiiciga ah tartanka ugu jira  tayo ahaan iyo tiro ahaan. 

 Ciqaabta dilka ah ee Garsoorku xukumo ayaa ka mid arrimaha ay doodaha ugu kulul ay ka taaganyihiin. Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga ah, waxa ay shaki badan ka qabaan wax-tarkiisa marka ay noqoto sida dambiyadaasi wax looga qabanayo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in aanay ciqaabtani ahayn mid  lagaga waantoobo faldambiyeedyada ciqaabtoodu dilka tahay, iyada oo uu Federaalku ay si joogta ah u fuliyo sannad walba. Daraasad la sameeyay sanadadii u dambeeyay ayaa sheegaysa in 50% xisbiga dimuqraadiga ee Maraykanku ay qabaan in la laalo ciqaabta dilka. Halka uu 80% xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi ay taageersanyihiin sharci ahaan fulinta dilka una arkaan in ay jiraan sababo maangal ah oo ka dhigaya sharcigani lagama maarmaan. Waxa jira qolooyin kale oo aan labada xisbitoona ahayn (independents) oo iyagu shaki ka weyn qaba maamul ahaan nidaamka caddaaladeed ee ciqaabta dalka (Dambi-baadhista,  X/ilaalinta iyo Maxkamadaha).  Waxaanay ku doodayaan in marka la eego sida uu shaqeeyo nidaamku ay aad u badan karto suurtogalnimada qof dambi laawe ah, tuhun aan la hubsan daraadeed dil loogu xukumi karo looguna fulin karo. 

 Dadka kusoo qulqulaya maraykanka ee aan kasoo tallaabin surimada sharciga ah ee dalka laga soo galo ayay tiradoodu kor u kacaysaa muddooyinkan dambe. Dhibaatada dhaqaale iyo amni ee tahriibtani ku hayso Maraykanka, gaar ahaan gobollada ee koonfurta xiga ayay labada xisbiba isla qirsanyihiin, waxa ay se ku kala duwanyihiin qaabka loo sugayo xadadka ama loo mustaafurinayo dadka sharci la'aanta ama dokumanti la'anta ku dhex jooga dalka.  Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ah waxa ay qabaan in dalka laga saaro oo cid kasta oo dokumanti sharci ah haysan, lana adkeeyo ilaalinta xadka Miksiko iyo u dhexeeya USA. Halka ay Xisbiga Dimuqraadigu leeyihiin ha loo maro nidaam sharci iyo garsoor oo lagu kala haadinayo soo-galaytiga. Waxa ay ku doodayaan waa in la kale reebo soo-galaytiga dib looga celinayo dalka, sida kuwa shantii sanno u dambeeyay joogay ee ahaa cashuurbixiyayaal shaqeysta, dambina aan galin iyo kuwa carruur ahaan ku soo galay, ama la nool xubno kale oo qoyskooda ah oo ay ku tiirsanyihiin.

    Guntii iyo gabagabadii, marka laga yimaado meelaahaas uu ololaha siyaasadeed labada xisbi ku kala duwanyahay, waxa xusid mudan in tiro lagu qiyaaso 38% oo ka mid ah codbixiyayaasha Maraykanku ay qiraan in ay  ka madaxbannaanyihiin labada xisbi, balse ay kolba kii ay ku qancaan doodiisa iyo kartida musharixiisa ay u codeeyaan.

          (Dhammaad)

       By  Mohammed Ahmed Cabi Bacaluul

Somaliland: Kulmiye Party Wants To Tell That It Is Not Over Yet! By:Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Somaliland: Kulmiye Party Wants To Tell That It Is Not Over Yet!

By: Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Previously published on Feberuary 11th, 2014.

It is not a long time since their deeds turned out to be different from their words. It was not even a political drama, where whips of the ruling and opposition parties were showcasing their controversial positions over the newly-introduced changes to road taxation. But, it was manipulative pretension designed to squeeze the government into a narrow corner, forcing it to extend its hand under the table. As Somalis say, you cannot do massaging with dry palms, so the government was too smart to read the signs without words. Sorting things out with the defying members, it succeeded in getting this tax-increasing bill to go through parliament.

    To see the shifting positions of the MPs, or hardline critics thumping up later to the government, is not a surprise to public, though it could be a political suicide to Wadani Party when its Mps found themselves melted in the lines of Kulmiye party. When there is no fundamental ideological division, and sense of conscience, political chameleons are common. That is why the spectrum colours of the representatives is bound to match the dominant paint of the background.

      Following that approval, the credibility of the representatives turned out nothing more than a fading perception. When their hot debate and critics on the increasing rate of road tax, proved to be a hollow drama.

     It is the dhameel time; when the Yes-of parliamentary members has a dollar value. It is what the noise and quarrel raging in the representative house is all about. I do not know whether Abdirahman Irro got jealous of the men who used to share the stage with him, or whether, putting the deputies in the audience floor is intended to be first maneuvers of his political experiment. If that is that, he made a big mistake, because only fools start the action at their homes.

     If the whole thing depends on changing the rules of the house, others can do it too. It is too early for Irro to celebrate. While Bashe and his friend want to tell the boss that game is not over yet, as defeated members are struggling to get in to their feet again. Nothing will satisfy them, till the badge is being stripped off from the chairman. In this regard, Kulmiye party should help their colleagues step up to the podium of the house.

    If you look the other side, Wadani Party has voiced their apprehension on the prospects of the game. Their big fish is struggling for his political life as the water level is getting down, when out-letting taps of the pool are switched to the hands of government-backed members. Responding to that threat, Mr. Buba, who thinks himself as one of the most active figures in the orange shirts, is now pleading to Silanyo. With soft tone, Mr Buba has chosen the right words to persuade Kulmiye’s Khomeini in to stopping the backfire of his party.His message was direct,as he singled out Hirsi as the source of the trouble.

    I am not sure whether Guurti got fed up with the noisy neighborhood, or afraid of being the victim of this epidemic. They did not show up when Irro was doing what he did to his assisting fellows. So they had better stay away from this pointless hassle, and let the other side finish what Irro had started. They should let the rules decide the results, instead of attempting to make compromises outside the formal system.

We, the people, have nothing to fear. Because we have nothing to do with the ongoing squabbles. No one is fighting for us or speaking about the problems we share as a society. With one voice, we should tell them to keep their troubles away from the streets.

By:Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

( waddi12@hotmail.com)

WAA MAXAY GARSOOREYNTA SIYAASADDU (JUDICIALIZATION OF POLITICS)?

  WAA MAXAY GARSOOREYNTA SIYAASADDU?

Ma maqashay habdhaqanka hoggaamineed ee loogu yeedho "Garsooreynta Siyaasadda (Judicialization of Politics)? 

Waa habdhaqan maamul oo taban (negative) oo beryahan dambe ku soo biiray saaxadda siyaasadda iyo arrimaha maamul ee la isku hayo. Waxa ay hoggaamiyayaasha fulintu—  madaxweynayaal ama Ra'isal-wasaarayaasha qaarkood ay u adeegsadaan Maxkamadaha arrimaha siyaasadeed ee ay rabaan in ay ka gabadaan go'aan-ka-gaadhistooda. Arrimahaasi siyaasadeed ayay doorbidaan in ay kala caraaraan in lagaga go'aan-qaato habka Aqlabiyadda ee bulshada lagu matalo (Majority rule). Meelahaasi oo ay ka midyihiin Golayaasha Siyaasadeed ee Xeerdajinta, Wasiirada ama ay kala maagaan in lasoo dhigo fagaare wadatashi oo ay qeyb ka yihiin bulshada ay kolba arrintaasi ay sida gaarka ah u saameyso danahooda tusaale ahaan, Xisbiyada Mucaaridka ama Ururrada Bulshada.

  Garsooreynta la garsooreeyo arrimo siyaasadeed oo u baahan go'aan-qaadasho fulineed ama xeerdajineed (executive/legislative decision-making), waxa ay hoos u dhigtaa milgihii iyo dhex-dhexaadnimadii laga filan lahaa Maxkamadaha. Waxaanu Garsoorku ku dhex milmaa doodaha siyaasadeed, iyada oo lagu dhaliilo in ay noqdeen shaambad loo adeegsado xalaalaynta hadba rabitaanka cidda leh awooda fulineed ee u dambaysa.

   Marka ay doorkan taban qaadato Maxkamaddu, waa hubaal in ay hilmaanto doorkeedii una dhurato sidii la-taliyayaal sharci oo ka tirsan hawl wadeennada Madaxtooyada. Go'aanadaasi kasoo baxay dhawr iyo tobanka garsoore (ee aan la dooran), ayuu hoggaanka fulintu hadhaw ka dhigtaa qiil sharci oo uu kaga horyimaaddo rabitaankii shacabka, kuna muquuniyo doodaha golayaasha siyaasadeed ee ay ahayd in ay dastuur ahaan shacabka ku matalaan hawlaha la xidhiidha siyaasadda.

   Sidaa darteed ayay Maxkamadaha Dastuuriga ahi ay inta badan si taxaddar ah iskaga eegaan arrimaha loola tago iyaga oo darsa doodaha ay salka ku hayaan. Haddii ay nuxurkooda ka dhex waayaan khilaaf fasiraadeed oo qodobo sharci toos ugu sal leh, waxa ay iskaga oodaan go'aan sharci (dismiss) oo faah-faahsan, iyaga oo ku sababeeya in ay arrintaasi tahay su'aal siyaasadeed (political question) oo aanay ahayn su'aal garsoor (not a judicial question).

  Inaga Somaaliland ahaan: imisa jeer ayaa la garsooreeyay arrimo siyaasadeed oo go'aan-qaadasho baahsan u baahnaa? Akhriste adiga ayaan kaa tagay su'aashaasi.

GARSOORKA IYO XEERARKA SHARCI AHAANSHAHOODU LA ISKU KHILAAFO

 

Marka aad eegto Maxkamada Dastuuriga ah Qaraaradeeda ku saabsan xeerarka la isku qabto, waxa ay u muuqataa in la iska aqbalay in uu garsoorku ka dhigi karo xeerarka sida uu rabo ama uu cid gooniyaba la rabo. Mana aha markii u horeysay ee ay tani dhacdo, waxa jira xeerkii Nidaamka Garsoorka (xeer Lr. 24/2020) ee wax-ka-badalkiisu dhaqangalay in garsoorku iskood u diideen, Maxkamaduna ay qoraal soo saartay ay ku sheegtay in ay laashay Xeerkiiba gabi ahaan. Ku darsoo, ma ay jirin waliba dhinacyo dacwad dastuuri ka furtay oo cabasho xuquuqeed ka qabay xeeekaasi. 

   Waxa ay Maxkamadu sheegtay in uu xeer ahaanayo Xeerkii Nidaamkii Garsoorka 2013. Xeerkaasi hore oo uu laalay Wax-ka-badalkii ka dambeeyay ee xeerdajintu ku sameeysay 2020-kii ee dhaqangalkiisa madaxtooyadu saxeexday. Wax-ka-badalkaasi oo madaxbanaanta garsoorayaasha maxkamada sare xoojiyay oo ka dhigay qaar aan rabitaanka madaxweynaha oo kaliya aan xilkooga ku haysan.

   Waxa aad ogeyd Xeer Lr.14/2011 in ay isna qodobo kamida ay tidhi waxaan ku daray "doorasho toos ah". Taas oo noqonaysa in ay wax-ka-badal ku samaysay xeer aanay dooddiba ka taagnayn oo aan ka mid ahayn wixii loola tagay. Waxa la yaab ah in xeerkaas ay sheegtay in ay wax ku darayso uu markaasi nasakhnaa. Waxa nasakhay xeer Lr.14/2020 oo sidiisa ku dhaqangalay markii uu dhameystay 21-kii maalmood ee uu Dastuurku M/weynaha siiyay.

    Haddana mar kale  waxa ay Maxkamadu farafaraysay qodobo ka mid ah wax-ka-badalkii u dambreyay ee Xeerka Guud ee Doorashooyinka, xeer Lr. 91/2023, oo ày sheegatay in ay wax ka badashay sidii ay u dhignaayeen ee ay xeerdajintu ku ansixisay. Waxa aanay ku sheegtay qaraarkeeda MSD/DDL/01/2024 in ay ka saartay waxa ay ugu yeedhay "boqolley" oo nuxur ahaan ay doodo kale ka dhalanayaan

   Tani kaliya ma macno tirayso mabda'ii dastuuriga ahaa ee kala qeybsanaanta awoodaha qaranka (Separation of Powers), bal se waa mid halisteeda leh haddii ay sidaa usii socoto. Jiri maayo Sharci sidii uu ahaa loogu soo hagaagi doonaa ama la isku hallayn karaa. Ujeeddadii Xeerdajinta laga lahaa ee ahayd in dadku yeesho nidaam sharciyeed la isla garan karo oo sida uu yahay loogu xisaabtami karaana (Predictibility principle), meesha ayay ka bixi doontaa. Waxaana xeer noqon doonta waxa ay hadba Maxkamadu xeer ku sheegto ee ay markaa is tidhaahdo ha noqdo qaraarkaagu.

     Haddii ay Maxkamaduhu isa siiyaan awood xeerdajineed, maxay keeni kartaa?

 

    Waxa iman doonta in ay sidan oo kale ay Maxkamadihu hadhaw xeerkarka wax uga badashaan si ay qofka waxa ay doonaan wax ugu xukumaan ama uga xukumaan, ama ugu xukumaan ciqaabta ay la doonaan ee aan ku sheegnayn xeerarka khuseeya. 

    Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahi waxa ay awood u leedahay marka la isku hayo dastuurnimada xeerarka ee la iskula tago. (1) in ay laasho xeerkii ama qodobkii ay u aragto in uu ka hor imanayo Dastuurka. Tusaale ahaan sidii ay ka yeeshay faqraddii jideynaysay in uu baarlamaanku codkooga ku kala saaro Xisbiyada ama ururrada uu si walba codkoodu isku leekaado. Marka ay laashana, awood uma laha in ay keento ku kale oo ay leedahay ha lagu baddalo. (2) in ay ayiddo inuu dastuurka waafaqsanyahay nuxur ahaan iyo mabda' ahaanba oo ay sidiisaa xeerka ku dhaafto iyada oo aan isa siin karin awood ay qoraal kale ugu darto ama kaga reebto xeerka ay ka garnaqayso nuxurkiisa.

        Sidoo kale Maxkamada Dastuuriga awood u malaha in ay Xeerdajinta ku amarto in ay xeerka ka dhigaan hadba sida ay rabto. Sida aanay iyaguba u amri karin Garsoorka in ay u go'aamiyaan sida ay xeerdajin ahaan doorbidayaan. Maxkamada Dastuuriga ahina iyadu dastuurkii ma aha, awood ahaana kama madax bannaana u dabranaanta dastuurka. Qodobka 97(2) ee Dastuurka JSL waxa uu leeyahay

 "Waaxda Garsoorku waxay hawlaheeda u fulinaysaa si Dastuurka waafaqsan,  iyada oo ka madax-bannaan waaxyaha kale ee Qaranka".

      Hadaba Xilligan Siyaasiyiintu waxa ay Garsoorka ku haystaan arrimo kale oo sharciga ka baxsan. Dooddoodu waa— muxuu Garsoorku xeerarka (sidaa) uga dhigay oo ay (sidan) uga dhigi waayeen. Mid waliba waxa uu u socday in sida uu wax ku rabo looga dhigo. Se su'aasha muhiimka ahayd in la isweysiiyo waxa ay ahayd— horta Garsoorka ma ka dhigi karaan hab-qoraalka xeerka (text) si kale oo aan ahayn sidii uu ahaa? Garsoorku fasiraaddiisa: ma danaha dhinacyada ayuu u eegaa? misa waxa ay u eegaan in uu xeerku waafaqsanyahay dastuurka iyo in kale?

SOMALILAND; MAXAA HADDA DHAN WALBA LA GUDBOON? By Garyaq. Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul

 

MAXAA HADDA DHAN WALBA LA GUDBOON?

--------------------------

Wuxuu ahaa Xeer kale oo la qoray, uma arko anigu waxani in uu ahaa wax-kabadal iyo kaabis la sameeyay. Xeer Lr 14, waxa lagu daray in kale oo leeg xeerkii hore, haddii aanay ka badnayn inta lagu daray intiisii hore. Markaas ayaa haddana Golaha Wakiiladu ka la orday in la galiyo dood iyo falanqayn iyaga oo hawsha intaas gudo galay. Isla fadhigii lagu soo jeediyay ayaa markiiba lagu ansixiyay iyada oo aan waxba la iska isweydiin wixii meesha la keenay.

   Haddana markii uu Golaha guurtidu ay ku soo celiyeen xeerarkaasi ee ay soo jeediyeen in wax-laga badalo waxyaabihii ay Golaha wakiiladu ku soo dareen in meelo ka mid ah wax laga badalo, si miyir ku jiro loolama eegin Guurtida. Si la mida sidii ay markii hore ay Wakiiladu u boobsiiyeen ayay sare jooga ku qaadaceen soo-jeedintii Golaha guurtida, kuna qoonsadeen Odayaasha in ay duuduub ku liqi waayeen wixii loo soo gudbiyay. 

Waxaan odhan lahaa qolooyinkii ka midka ahaa ururrada ee goor dambe ku baraarugay oo mooshinadaas la xeereeyay, imika xeerkaas Lr 14, ha u dirsadaan garyaqaano kasoo akhriya inta aanay haddana Maxkamadda dastuuriga go'aankeeda ku toosin. Hana u soo dhexgalaan wixii ay u arkaan in xuquuqdooda sigaasadeed xadgudub ku ah, iyaga oo isku duuban. Cabasho sharci oo rasmi ah oo loo dhageystana ha gudbistaan. Haddii kale saxaafadda uun ha ka ooyaan sidoodii.

 Golaha wakiilada iyaguna waxay xaq u leeyihiin in haddii ay dood ka qabaan asbaabta ay Madaxtooyada cuskatay iyo cabashada ururrada kasoo horjeedaba, waa in ay Maxkamadda ka hor difaacdaan go'aankooda, oo aanay sidoodii dadka warbaahinta ka jaahwareerin. Maxkamaduna fadhi ha u qabato la baahiyo oo lala wada socon karo, maadaamo oo ay arrintu tahay xaq siyaasadeed oo ay codbixiyayaashu gobollada dalka oo dhami ay yihiin daneeyaha ugu weyn ee ku codayn doona xeerarkaas.

   Waa intaas talada aan ku darsan lahaa sidii xal dastuuri noqda looga gaadhi lahaa khilaafyadan sharci ee soo noq-noqon jiray tan iyo markii uu hanaqaaday nidaam doorasheedka dalku. Looma baahna xal garsoor oo xummad jabin ah oo aan ku salaysnayn mabaadi'da dastuuriga ah ee inoo dhigan. Haddii kale sidan uun aynu isu dabawareegno xilli doorasheed kasta.

SOMALILAND: EPISTEMOLAJIGA & SHARCIGA (Legal Epistemology). By Garyaq. Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

EPISTEMOLAJIGA & SHARCIGA (Legal Epistemology). 

Aragtida qeexda waxa uu yahay Ogaalku, waxa afka qalaad lagu yidhaahdaa Ipistamoolaji "Epistemology". Aragtidu waxa ay ku leedahay qofku waxa uu sheeganayo inuu ogyahay, ma oga haddii aanu kuu sheegi karin siyaabaha uu ku ogaaday. Siyaabahaasi oo aan ahayn— malayn, faal, mucjisooyin iyo manaam, bal se ah qaar maangal ah oo uu qofka caadiga ahi wax ku ogaan karo ama ku qanci karo. Waxa ay Ipistamoolajiyadu kala saartaa waxyaabaha la iska aamino (belief) ee aan la ogaan iyo waxyaabaha uu qofku ogyahay (yaqiinsaday) ee aanu xaqiiqadooda shaki ka qabin (justified knowledge). 

    Sharciga waxa ku jirta qeyb loo yaqaan Ogaal Sharciyeed (Legal epistimology). Waxa ay ka hadashaa qaabka uu Garsoorku uu xukunkiisa ugu sheego waxa uu ogaaday, tusaale ahaan in uu eedaysane (D) yahay dambilaawe ama dambiile. Waligaa ha moodin in uu wax kasta oo uu garsoore xukunkiisa ku sheego oo uu leeyahay; waxa ay maxkamadu ogaatay ama isku qancisay— in ay (X) tahay (Y), in ay sheegistaasi oo kaliya ay ku noqonayso xaqiiqo jirta, haddii aanu xukunkiisa ku faah-faahin sida uu wax ku ogaaday-- sida uu, u qiimeeyay caddaymaha iyo dooddii dhinacyada iyo waxa uga soo baxay. Sababaha sharci ee caddaymaha qaarkood u tixgaliyay, qaar kalana u diiday ama uu amri waayay in la caddeeyo xaqiiqo ka mida xaqiiqooyinka la isku hayo, iwm.

   Haddii ay Maxkamadu (garsoore) ka hadli weydo sida ay wax u ogaatay, macnaheedu waa waxba ma oga. Xataa haddii ay aaminsantahay in ay ogtahay waxaan lala ogaan karin. Waxaana xukunkeedu loo qaadan karaa mid ay marka horaba iska sii aaminsanayd (prejudice) ama saameyno kale oo qarsoon ay ku riixeen, sidaana uu marwalba xukunkeedu ahaan lahaa dhegeysi iyo dhegaysi la'aanba. Waana sababta garsooraha wax dhegeysanaya loo yidhaa waa Xaqiiqo-raadiye (the fact-finder) raadinaya xaqiiqo aanu hore u ogayn. Si uu xilkaas u gutana waxa uu sharcigu siiyaa awoodo badan oo uu wax ku ogaado (eeg; qodobada 40-aad illaa 60-aad iyo 118-aad ee Xeerka Habka Ciqaabta).