TUSAALAHA GODKA (ALLEGORY OF CAVE)

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 TUSAALAHA GODKA(The Allegory of Cave)

   Sheekadani Godku waa tusaale uu keenay Plato oo ahaa Filasoof Giriig ah ( 514a–520a) ama qarnigii 4aad ee ka horeeyay Miilaadiga. Waxa uu usoo qaatay sheekadani si uu macneeyo doorka ay falsafaddu ku leedahay ogaalka xaqiiqaqada jiraalka. Waxa ay dadka Godku u qeybsamaan saddex kooxood oo kala ah: 1) kuwa maxaabiis ah oo silsilsadaysan (2) kuwa aan maxaabiis ahayn oo Godka iska deggan oo maxaabiista maamula (3) qaar kale oo xor ah oo raba in ay Godkaasi afaafkiisa helaan si ay ugu baxaan.

 kuwa maxaabiista ahi waa qaar ku silsiladaysan gidaar oo dhan kaliya uwada jeeda. Dhankaasi ay u jeedaan waxa ah gidaarka kale oo kusoo celinaya kaaha dab baxaya. Dabku uma muuqda oo waxa uu ka ololayaa meel ka dambaysa kana sarraysa gidaarka ay dhabarka ku hayaan ee ay silsiladdu ugu xidhantahay (eeg sawirka hoose). 

 Waa kuwa labaade waa waa qaar xor ah oon silsiladaysnayn se aan ka bixin godka gudihiisa, aaminsana in aan laga bixin karin oo adduunku inuu isaga yahay. Kuwani waxa ay wax baraan maxaabiistaasi oo kolba muuqaal u eeg waxyaabaha jira sida xayawaan ama geed, ayay kor u qaadaan oo ay ku beegaan kaaha ka dambeeya, marka uu hadhka muuqaalkaasi ku dhaca gidaarka shaashadda u ah maxaabiistaasi ayay u sheegaan muuqaalkaasi waxa uu yahay sida Geed, Shimbir, Bakayle. Barrina waxay weydiiyaan waxa uu yahay shaygaasi hadhkiisu haysto gidaarka, markaasay gartaan oo ay u sheegaan inuu Bakayle yahay ama daayeer. Maxaabiistu uma arkaan muuqaaladaasi humaagyo ama hadh, se waxa ay u haystaan in ay xaqiiqo yihiin, in ay Dacawada, Geedka iyo Bakayluhu iyo jiraallada kalaba ay yihiin kuwan hortooda ka muuqda oo aanay qaar kale jirin. In ay qaab ahaan uun u kala duwanyihiin se ay isku wada midabyihiin. 

    Qolada saddexaad, waa qaar silsiladdaasi iska jabiyayay oo raba in ay godkaasi dibadda uga baxaan si ay u helaankii iftiin ay ku arki karaan  midabadii iyo xaqiiqadii humaagyadii ay godka ku daawan jireen.

    Saddexda qolo maxay kala yihiin? 

Qolada koowaad ee silsiladaysan waa bulshada inteeda badan ee caammada ah, qolada labaad waa inta ay u xidh-xidhanyihiin ee harawsata caamada, adduun-arraga godka ka dhex jirana ku maamusha. Qoladani iyaguna godka kama baxaan, waxa ay dib u baraan maxaabiista wixii iyana la bari jiray  markii ay maxaabiista ahaan jireen. Qolada saddexaad ee silsiladdaasi jabisay, ee raadinaysa in ay godkaas mugdiga ah ka baxaan si ay u gaadhaan iftiinka dibadda ee ay ku arki karaan jirraalada dhabta ah, waa filasoofyada.

  Tusaalahani Plato waxaan odhan lahaa waxa uu odoros usii ahaa Shaneemooyinka casriga ahaa ee projecktarka la inoogu qabto gidaarka.

   Ka tixraac "Allegory of Cave" buugga "The Republic" ee Plato qoray.

      Lafagurkii Garyaqn Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

WANKII BENUURJI

 

  WANKII BENUURJI

Sheekadani waxay ka mid tahay sheekooyinka ka caanka ah carriga Faransiiska. Waxa jiray nin ganacsade ahaa oo la odhan jiray Dondono. Dondono waxa uu ahaan jiray mid arxandaran  oo deeq iska daaye aan deyna waxba laga heli jirin haddii xataa haddii uu qofku u dhimanayo wax uu hayo. Dandoono oo maalin ka mid ah maalmaha ayaa k deegaan kale adhi ka soo rartay. Waxa uu doontii adhiga u sidday uu kula kulmay nin la odhan jiray Benuurji, oo dadkii rakaabka ahaa ka mid ah. Markii ay doonto shiraaqatay ee rakaabkii ay qaladii ka baxday ee wada sheekaysteen, ayaa Benuurji loo sheegay uu ay doonto u rarantahay ninkaa adhiga ku dhex jiraa oo la yidhaahdo Dandoono. Dandoono, maadaamo oo u ganacsade wayn ahaa, magiciisa iyo xantiisuba kuma cusba. 

Benuurji waa nin faduul badani, waxa uu dhaqaaqay xaggii Xaaji Dandoono, bariido iyo is-barasho gaaban dabadeedna, waxa uuku yidhi waxaan doonayaa in aan kaa iibsado wankaa adhiga u weyn. Dandoono ayaa wankii ku baayacay qiimo afar laab ka badan intuu ahaa.  Waa nin uu ogyahaye, iskuma lurin gorgortankiisa oo qiimihii uu sheegtay ayaabu wankii ka siistay.

  Lacagtii haddii la kala tirsaday, ayuu Benuurji inta uu wankii weynaa macasha qabtay, ayuu intii uu xoogiisu ahaa u giraan-giriyay geestii ay baddu ka xigtay.  Wankii oo xawaare sare ku ordaya oo taraarsan ayaaba ka booday doontii, baddii shulaacinaysayna calaa madax u galay. Adhigii kale oo u jeeda waxa dhacaya, ayaaba isna kolkiiba ka daba qamaamay oo iyaga wada ciyaya neef neef ugu oo wada jabay docdii uu ka baxay Wankii Benuurji.

Dandoono oo judhiiba xero-bi'iisa arkay, ayaa isna ku dhex waashay sida uu kolba hormo qamaamsani 'hushta" u hayay,  iyaguna ay iyaga oo dhagaha nabaya oo afar qaadaya ayay labada dacal yuf uga dhaafayeen, isna uugaankii ku hafay. Isma ogee, Dandoono sidii uu kolba dhinac ugu barriiqanayay, marba marka kasii dambaysa uu dib uga sii guranayay isaga afkasta ku cabaadaya si uu hakiyo ayaaba qar-qarkii doonta la isla tagay.

     Goosankii u dambeeyay oo maqiiqan haddii uu is yidhi isku dhig, ayuu sidii baalallayda is kala bixiyay labada gacmood hareeraha u fidiyay, lawyahana midba meel dhigay sidii goolhaye ay darbadi kusoo socoto. Maxaa xigay, idihii xammeysnaa iyo Dandoono oo is wata ayaaba sida baarashuutka doonidii ka wada goostay oo badweyntii iskula dhacay. Ma Dandoono oo la is yaqaan ayay cidi u miciini doontaa!  oo qofkasta oo rakaab ah ka qaaday nooli toban laab ah, maadaamo oo ay doonto u ahayd ingeydh. 

    Halkaas ayuu wankii Benuurji ku sahayday odeygii Dandoono ahaa. Sidaa ayaa wax kasta oo ay Faransiisku ka shakiyaan in ujeeddo qarsoon laga yeelan karo ayay yidhaahdaan "Les moutons de Panurge " oo macnaheedu u dhigmo "waa Wankii Benuurji".

   Laba nuxur ayay sheekadani xambaarsantahay oo laga dheehan karaa. Waa kan koowaade, waxa ay ku binnixinaysaa in arrin ama fal aadame oo si caadi ah kuula muuqda ay ujeeddo aan kuu muuqani ay ku laabnaan karto. Waa ta labaade, waxay ku baraysaa in bulshada inteeda kas-gaabka ah lagu yaqaan hugunraaca iyo is-dabayaacaas, oo aan lagu aqoon is-khilaaf iyo wax-isweydiintoona; sida laxahaas ayay isu eegtaan oo halka uu midi ka boodo ayay ka wada daba booddaan.

Waxa Tarjumay Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH. By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'aluul.

 

SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND SHOULD BE RATIONAL TO AVOID TROUBLES OF THE SOUTH (Published November, 2018).

 By advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. 

Exporting southern problems to the north will not be a solution for the war-torn population in Mogadisho and Kismayo. Being free from war businesses in Somalia, Farmajo’s presidency seems to be a glimpse of hope for those who learned about his appearance in Shekh Sharif's interim government. Because of his inexperience and untested personality, Farmajo seems to be unwise when he is tempted into Arb’s tug-of-war games. 

Farmajo’s tenure, was unwilling to attain its territorial claims through deadly military engagements.  Last month, It was evident that Farmajo was doing whatever he could to disturb Somaliland’s investment opportunity, in which Dubai and Ethiopia are expected to develop the infrastructure of Ber-bara port.  Farmajo was doing this to please his Qatari and Turkish patrons, disregarding the development of this investment will contribute to the region. He mobilized his Mogadisho Parliament to ridiculously outlaw the tripartite treaty, and ousted Jaware (Chairman of parliament) who appeared to be confused about the substance of that motion. Respectively, they never stopped to call the Security Council's attention to terminate the investment deal, and now, enough to sink the ship, Farmajo is building up armies and weapons in the name of Darodism along the border.

Before those manipulations, Puntland as a neighboring region had shared common things with Somaliland. Both administrations have developed cooperative policies in many respects, including security, commerce and social movement. The political stability and the resilience of Somaliland was a model for Puntland— which is the only region that succeeded in building up a functioning administration in Somalia. Like Somaliland, they defiantly decided to do business with the UAE, which was not in favour of the Federal Government. If we put it in Somaliland’s perspective, this was seen as a rightful choice; for Garoowe administration to develop its infrastructure in the same way that Mogadisho improved its air and seaports with Turkish investment. It is not right to interpret the military counteractions as antipathy towards those who live across the border, but if asked, Somalilanders will not hesitate to admit what the stability of Puntland's polity means to them, since it provides them a buffer against the stresses of the South.

What makes Sool and Sanaag a contentious issue was not the cross-bordering ideal of Darodism that we recently heard from Groowe.  These claims were not there before Abdillahi Yousuf. It is him who said that including Dhulbahante and Warsengali figures in Garowe conference was no more than a political maneuver aimed to disturb Somaliland's effort toward recognition. On the other hand, Somaliland had no interventionist policy, seeing that it had done nothing to interrupt the arrangements of Puntland's First Conference, whereas Mr Yousuf admitted in his Halgan and Hagardamo book  his involvement in conspiracy before the nascency of his Garowe bureaucracy.

It is good for Puntland's unskilled leader, and his colleague, Farmajo, to read the memoir of their Forefather (Abdillahi Yousuf) before they answer whether Tukaraq is a worth-fighting issue or not. Las-anod was left to itself to directly choose its local council, since Garoowe had failed to get its first elected Mayor.  The basic question that one should ask himsef is whether Abdulhakeem Amey of Puntland  is the true advocate for Sool people, or the 25 councilors whom they supported with their votes?

If Puntland claims Sool and Sanaag territories on the basis of its blood-relation logic; it should define its attitude towards the people with whom their relatives are coexisting with; are they cast from another planet? It is a shame for its administration to engage their peace-loving people in the uncertainty of a brand new, ethnic-related hostility. Somalilanders believe that people would be lucky, if they took advantage from their kinship with Puntland and citizenship in Somaliland at once. Nothing prevents them from being the brothers of one and the cousins of the other.

 The pastoral life of those regions does not need territorial restrictions and patrolling troops, but to live out the troubles of the urban classes.  So Puntland’s argument is nothing more than demagoguing Somaliland people with hatred. Previously, Abdillahi Yousuf had failed to adopt his Nazi-like pan-darodism advocacy, when the lower juba Marehans of Kismayo refused to be-dictated from Graroowe, and chose a non-clan-related alliance with another group (Hawiye, eyr). In this regard, only Harti communities will neither be logical nor empirical strategy, since there is no well-defined social topography that demarcates Harti-clans from their neighboring clans.

Whatever their clans,  Sool and Sanaag populations are interwoven in society. They are ecologically compelled to live side by side, despite their lineage diversity. The socio-economic structure of this area is non-urbanized, sparsely populated, where the lives of its communities depend on sharing pasture and water. So the dissidence of the Diaspora and certain office-holders in Garowe is not serving for the interest of their pastoral communities.

Yes, there are many things that are wrong in the make-up of Somaliland’s political structure. And I believe that wrongs cannot be righted by those who hang-out in Garoowe, but by those with whom the life and the development of their constituency is concerned. Although Somaliland is not a politically repressive or restricted environment, it has to do more to demonstrate its willingness to actually respond to the political grievances of Sool and Sanaag people. 

There should be more openness and flexibility from the part of the government, whenever the question of what the future of Somaliland's statehood holds for non-isaks, is on the table. Thanks to intellectuals like Ali Khalif, Ahmed Samatar and Hagle-tosiye, who shared the conviction that says 'Sool and Awdal should not treat themselves as the guests that wait to be served, rather standing in the ‘heat of the kitchen'

SHARCIGU MIYUU DAALIN UMMADEED QARIYAA?

"Ma sheegi karno ganacsatada aanu ku qabanno se keena alaabo dhacay ama bilaa tayo ah,..... Xeerbaa noo diidiya". Sidaa waxa yidhi masuul kamida saaraakiisha hay'adda Tayada ee Sonalilanf mar lagu Waraysanayay TV-ga ee MMTV.

In hal shakhsi oo macaash-doon ah, oo u badheedhay in uu halis galiyo bulshadeena oo dhan la dhawro danihiisa gaarka ah, ma waxa ay ka weyntahay tan guud ee ay dawladnimadu u joogto ilaalinteeda? 

     Qofka qof dila ayaaba magiciisa oo saddexan la baahiyaaye, oo la sheegaa in la qabtay, la dabajoogo ama la xikumaye, sidee ayay suurtogal u tahay in la yidhaahdo ha loo qariyo bulshada, mid sida ay u dhantahay ugu talogalay inuu wada sumeeyo, xoogaaga ay haystaana uu been kaga furto? 

     Hadda kuwaasi waa cadaw ama dulin dadka ku dul nool dhiiggooga iyo dhididkooga oo dawo uga dhigaya waxaanay ku dawobayn,  oo fursad u siinaya in uu cudur-keenihii (germs) uu kusii baaho marba marka ka danbaysa illaa oo uu gaadho heer aan lala tacaali karin. Midda kale sharcigu ma waxa uu ilaaliyaa cidda ku xadgudubta ee iyadu dhawri weyda, misa dhibanaha?

    Weynu ognahay in aanu sharci ilaalin khatar u baahan in la iska jiro halista lafteeda iyo cidda wadda ee ka tallaabsata xeeraka dhawra Bedqabka. Ciqaabaha sharci ee daImbiyada ay halistoodu saameyn guud leedahayna ee ka dhasha ku xadgudubka heerarka u yaalla dhawrista bedqabku maba yeelato masuuliyadoodu wax cudurdaar ah (kas-dhaaf, iwm) oo waxa la yidhaahdaa masuuliyaddaasi ka dhalataa waa mid culus ama waxa afka sharci loogu yeedhaa dambiyada ay masuuliyaddoodu culus tahay, "Strict liability offences".  

  Tusaale ahaan qofka gaadhi bilaa biriiga ah suuqa uu soo kaxaysta ee jidka lagu qabto, laguna caddeeyo, sharcigu uma eego in uu shil ku galay ama waxyeello sababay iyo in kale, sidoo kale kama dhegaysto haddii uu ku doodo "kamaan warqabin xaaladda gaadhiga", se sidiisaa ayaa dambigaas loogu qaadaa. Waxyeellada uu sababay haddii ay jirtana, wey kusii culaysisaa uun ciqaabta, ee ma aha mid dambi-falista go'aamisa. Sababta loo adkeeyayna way caddahay oo waxa la ilaalinayaa xilka qof iyo wadar ahaanba inaga saaran Ilaalinta Bedqabka Guud ee dadweynaha (Public safety and well-being).

   Nasiib darradu se waxa ay tahay, masuulkan si cad umuu sheegin illaa imika xeerkaas ilaalinaya kuwa noocaas ah ee ka shaqeynaya in la qariyo daalin haddi la iska ogaan lahaa laga waaqsan lahaa waxyeellada iyo dhagarta uu ku hayo ummadda.

  Qormadani waa falcelin (feedback,) wareysigaa ka dambeeyay markaan daawaday.

By Mohamed Ahmed Cabdi Ba'aluul
 

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA?

SIDEE AYUU FARAQA ARGTIYEED EE LABADA XISBI U JAANGOOYAA HAB-DHAQANKA SIYAASADEED EE MARAYKANKA? 

  Si aad u fahamto muuqaalka guud (Political lay-out) iyo loolanka Siyaasadeed Maraykanka waa in aad fahamtaa arrimaha muhiimka ahee ay ku kala aragtida duwanyihiin labada Xisbi ee talada guud ee carrigaasi u tartama. Arrimahaasina  waxa ka mida: aragtiyaha falsafadeed, Dhaqaale (nidaamka cashuuraha iyo suuqa), Xukunka dilka ah, maamulka guud ee dawladnimada, daryeelka caafimaad (Health care),  Soo-galaytiga (immigration).

    Haddi aynu ku horayno kala-duwanaanshaha falsafadeed ee labada xisbi, oo ah kan saameynta ugu weyn ku leh masalooyinka siyaasadeed ee kale. Xisbiga dimuqraadigu aragti ahaan waa mid liberaali ah oo janjeedha dhinaca bidix. Liberaaliyadu waa aragti isbadal oo xoogeysatay qarniyadii dhexe, waxaana sal u ah fikradda odhanaysa "qofkastaaba isagaa is leh". Taas oo macnaheedu tahay qofna kuma qasbana in uu sida uu u noolaanayo uu ku raali galiyo cid kale oo aan naftiisa ahayn, sidoo kalana aanay  bulshada inteeda kale xaq u lahayn in ay u yeedhiso rabitaankooda. Walaw ay liberaaliyiintu ay sii kala xagjirsanyihiin, waxa ay kasoo horjeedaan mudnaan siinta aragtiyaha iyo xeerarka asal raaca ah ee ku sal ka leh dhaqanka bulshada oo ay diintu qeyb ka tahay. Waxaanay taas badalkeeda aaminsanyihiin in ay xeerarku dawladu noqdaan kuwa u shaqeeya sida taraafikada, oo meelaha ay is-duqeynta (rabitaanadu) ka dhici karaan uun jooga, inta kalana cida waliba ay xor u ahaato jihada ay u soconayso. Waana sababta aanu xisbigani mudnaan u siinin xeerarkii bulsho ee bud-dhiga u ahaa qoysnimada iyo xidhiidhada galmo (sida la isku gayo), iwm. 

   Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi waxyaabahaasi liddigooda ayuu qabaa. Mabda' ahaan waa  qunyar-socod (conservative) oo waxa ay xoogga saaraan in la dhawro waxyaabihii soo-jireenka ahaa ee heer qoys illaa bulsho dadku ka soo mideysnaayeen. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu qofku yahay qurub ka mida bulshada uu ku dhex noolyahay oo aanu illaa xad ka hor iman karin dhaqanka iyo caqiidada loo badanyahay, maadaama oo ay yihiin dabarka ugu adag ee isku haya xubnaha bulshada. Dawladnimadu ay waajib ku tahay in ay ilaaliso waxyaabahaasi bulshadu qiimayso sidoo kalana ay isku qiimeyso. Waxaanay ku adagyihiin arrimaha qoyska, tafiir badinta, diinta, iwm, iyaga oo intooda xagjirka ahi ay kasoo horjeedaan cid kasta oo ay u tuhmayaan in ay lasoo galayso habdhaqano kale oo qalaad. 

     Dhaqaalaha iyo sida loo maareynayo ayaa isna ah arrimaha lagu kala tagsanyahay. Xisbiga Dimuqaadigu waxa ay xoojiyaan aragtida odhanaysa "dhaqaale xor ah, oo dusha lagala socdo". Waxa ay leeyihiin waa in ay dawladdu la timaadaa siyaasado guud oo ay ku nidaamiso dhaqaalaha, sida in la cayimo ama  kor loo qaado xaddiga mushqaayadeed ee ugu hooseeya ee qofku ku shaqeyn karo saacadii (minimum wage), in xaddiga lagu salaynayo saamiga cashuureed ee ay bulshadu ku soo celinayso danaha guud uu u kala badnaado sida loo kala kiishad weyn yahay (progressive tax). In ay dawladdu isha ku hayso suuqa, kana warhayso bulshada inteeda badan ee wax laga iibinayo ee isticmaasha badeecadaha iyo adeegyada (consumer's protection), in aanay ganacsatada waaweyn ee gacanta ku haysa awoodda wax-soosaar u heshiinin sidii ay caqabadu u hordhigi lahaayeen ganacsatada dhexe ee soo koraysa iyo dabaqada dhexe ee xirfadlayda ah, sidaa aawadeedna la kala xaddido, si ay intii isku heer ahi ay goonidooda ugu tartamaan, dhaqaaluhuna u baaho.

  Qolada kale ee Jamhuurigu xagga cashuuraha, waxa ay taagantihiin aragtida odhanaysa waa in xaddi siman lagu saleeyaa cashuurta ku waajibta muwaadiniinta (fixed tax) oo aan xaddigaasi cashuureed lagu salaynin hadba inta uu yahay dakhliga uu qofku helo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in uu suuqu xor ahaado oo ay fursadaha iyo tayadu jaangooyaan qiimaha wax lagu kala qaadanayo; haddii ay yihiin badeecado la iibinayo iyo haddii ay yihiin saacado shaqo oo la kala iibsanayo. Dawladduna aanay far-farayn ama xakamaynin nidaamka ganacsi ee sida dabiiciga ah tartanka ugu jira  tayo ahaan iyo tiro ahaan. 

 Ciqaabta dilka ah ee Garsoorku xukumo ayaa ka mid arrimaha ay doodaha ugu kulul ay ka taaganyihiin. Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga ah, waxa ay shaki badan ka qabaan wax-tarkiisa marka ay noqoto sida dambiyadaasi wax looga qabanayo. Waxa ay aaminsanyihiin in aanay ciqaabtani ahayn mid  lagaga waantoobo faldambiyeedyada ciqaabtoodu dilka tahay, iyada oo uu Federaalku ay si joogta ah u fuliyo sannad walba. Daraasad la sameeyay sanadadii u dambeeyay ayaa sheegaysa in 50% xisbiga dimuqraadiga ee Maraykanku ay qabaan in la laalo ciqaabta dilka. Halka uu 80% xisbiga Jamhuuriga ahi ay taageersanyihiin sharci ahaan fulinta dilka una arkaan in ay jiraan sababo maangal ah oo ka dhigaya sharcigani lagama maarmaan. Waxa jira qolooyin kale oo aan labada xisbitoona ahayn (independents) oo iyagu shaki ka weyn qaba maamul ahaan nidaamka caddaaladeed ee ciqaabta dalka (Dambi-baadhista,  X/ilaalinta iyo Maxkamadaha).  Waxaanay ku doodayaan in marka la eego sida uu shaqeeyo nidaamku ay aad u badan karto suurtogalnimada qof dambi laawe ah, tuhun aan la hubsan daraadeed dil loogu xukumi karo looguna fulin karo. 

 Dadka kusoo qulqulaya maraykanka ee aan kasoo tallaabin surimada sharciga ah ee dalka laga soo galo ayay tiradoodu kor u kacaysaa muddooyinkan dambe. Dhibaatada dhaqaale iyo amni ee tahriibtani ku hayso Maraykanka, gaar ahaan gobollada ee koonfurta xiga ayay labada xisbiba isla qirsanyihiin, waxa ay se ku kala duwanyihiin qaabka loo sugayo xadadka ama loo mustaafurinayo dadka sharci la'aanta ama dokumanti la'anta ku dhex jooga dalka.  Xisbiga Jamhuuriga ah waxa ay qabaan in dalka laga saaro oo cid kasta oo dokumanti sharci ah haysan, lana adkeeyo ilaalinta xadka Miksiko iyo u dhexeeya USA. Halka ay Xisbiga Dimuqraadigu leeyihiin ha loo maro nidaam sharci iyo garsoor oo lagu kala haadinayo soo-galaytiga. Waxa ay ku doodayaan waa in la kale reebo soo-galaytiga dib looga celinayo dalka, sida kuwa shantii sanno u dambeeyay joogay ee ahaa cashuurbixiyayaal shaqeysta, dambina aan galin iyo kuwa carruur ahaan ku soo galay, ama la nool xubno kale oo qoyskooda ah oo ay ku tiirsanyihiin.

    Guntii iyo gabagabadii, marka laga yimaado meelaahaas uu ololaha siyaasadeed labada xisbi ku kala duwanyahay, waxa xusid mudan in tiro lagu qiyaaso 38% oo ka mid ah codbixiyayaasha Maraykanku ay qiraan in ay  ka madaxbannaanyihiin labada xisbi, balse ay kolba kii ay ku qancaan doodiisa iyo kartida musharixiisa ay u codeeyaan.

          (Dhammaad)

       By  Mohammed Ahmed Cabi Bacaluul

Somaliland: Kulmiye Party Wants To Tell That It Is Not Over Yet! By:Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Somaliland: Kulmiye Party Wants To Tell That It Is Not Over Yet!

By: Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Previously published on Feberuary 11th, 2014.

It is not a long time since their deeds turned out to be different from their words. It was not even a political drama, where whips of the ruling and opposition parties were showcasing their controversial positions over the newly-introduced changes to road taxation. But, it was manipulative pretension designed to squeeze the government into a narrow corner, forcing it to extend its hand under the table. As Somalis say, you cannot do massaging with dry palms, so the government was too smart to read the signs without words. Sorting things out with the defying members, it succeeded in getting this tax-increasing bill to go through parliament.

    To see the shifting positions of the MPs, or hardline critics thumping up later to the government, is not a surprise to public, though it could be a political suicide to Wadani Party when its Mps found themselves melted in the lines of Kulmiye party. When there is no fundamental ideological division, and sense of conscience, political chameleons are common. That is why the spectrum colours of the representatives is bound to match the dominant paint of the background.

      Following that approval, the credibility of the representatives turned out nothing more than a fading perception. When their hot debate and critics on the increasing rate of road tax, proved to be a hollow drama.

     It is the dhameel time; when the Yes-of parliamentary members has a dollar value. It is what the noise and quarrel raging in the representative house is all about. I do not know whether Abdirahman Irro got jealous of the men who used to share the stage with him, or whether, putting the deputies in the audience floor is intended to be first maneuvers of his political experiment. If that is that, he made a big mistake, because only fools start the action at their homes.

     If the whole thing depends on changing the rules of the house, others can do it too. It is too early for Irro to celebrate. While Bashe and his friend want to tell the boss that game is not over yet, as defeated members are struggling to get in to their feet again. Nothing will satisfy them, till the badge is being stripped off from the chairman. In this regard, Kulmiye party should help their colleagues step up to the podium of the house.

    If you look the other side, Wadani Party has voiced their apprehension on the prospects of the game. Their big fish is struggling for his political life as the water level is getting down, when out-letting taps of the pool are switched to the hands of government-backed members. Responding to that threat, Mr. Buba, who thinks himself as one of the most active figures in the orange shirts, is now pleading to Silanyo. With soft tone, Mr Buba has chosen the right words to persuade Kulmiye’s Khomeini in to stopping the backfire of his party.His message was direct,as he singled out Hirsi as the source of the trouble.

    I am not sure whether Guurti got fed up with the noisy neighborhood, or afraid of being the victim of this epidemic. They did not show up when Irro was doing what he did to his assisting fellows. So they had better stay away from this pointless hassle, and let the other side finish what Irro had started. They should let the rules decide the results, instead of attempting to make compromises outside the formal system.

We, the people, have nothing to fear. Because we have nothing to do with the ongoing squabbles. No one is fighting for us or speaking about the problems we share as a society. With one voice, we should tell them to keep their troubles away from the streets.

By:Garyaqan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

( waddi12@hotmail.com)

WAA MAXAY GARSOOREYNTA SIYAASADDU (JUDICIALIZATION OF POLITICS)?

  WAA MAXAY GARSOOREYNTA SIYAASADDU?

Ma maqashay habdhaqanka hoggaamineed ee loogu yeedho "Garsooreynta Siyaasadda (Judicialization of Politics)? 

Waa habdhaqan maamul oo taban (negative) oo beryahan dambe ku soo biiray saaxadda siyaasadda iyo arrimaha maamul ee la isku hayo. Waxa ay hoggaamiyayaasha fulintu—  madaxweynayaal ama Ra'isal-wasaarayaasha qaarkood ay u adeegsadaan Maxkamadaha arrimaha siyaasadeed ee ay rabaan in ay ka gabadaan go'aan-ka-gaadhistooda. Arrimahaasi siyaasadeed ayay doorbidaan in ay kala caraaraan in lagaga go'aan-qaato habka Aqlabiyadda ee bulshada lagu matalo (Majority rule). Meelahaasi oo ay ka midyihiin Golayaasha Siyaasadeed ee Xeerdajinta, Wasiirada ama ay kala maagaan in lasoo dhigo fagaare wadatashi oo ay qeyb ka yihiin bulshada ay kolba arrintaasi ay sida gaarka ah u saameyso danahooda tusaale ahaan, Xisbiyada Mucaaridka ama Ururrada Bulshada.

  Garsooreynta la garsooreeyo arrimo siyaasadeed oo u baahan go'aan-qaadasho fulineed ama xeerdajineed (executive/legislative decision-making), waxa ay hoos u dhigtaa milgihii iyo dhex-dhexaadnimadii laga filan lahaa Maxkamadaha. Waxaanu Garsoorku ku dhex milmaa doodaha siyaasadeed, iyada oo lagu dhaliilo in ay noqdeen shaambad loo adeegsado xalaalaynta hadba rabitaanka cidda leh awooda fulineed ee u dambaysa.

   Marka ay doorkan taban qaadato Maxkamaddu, waa hubaal in ay hilmaanto doorkeedii una dhurato sidii la-taliyayaal sharci oo ka tirsan hawl wadeennada Madaxtooyada. Go'aanadaasi kasoo baxay dhawr iyo tobanka garsoore (ee aan la dooran), ayuu hoggaanka fulintu hadhaw ka dhigtaa qiil sharci oo uu kaga horyimaaddo rabitaankii shacabka, kuna muquuniyo doodaha golayaasha siyaasadeed ee ay ahayd in ay dastuur ahaan shacabka ku matalaan hawlaha la xidhiidha siyaasadda.

   Sidaa darteed ayay Maxkamadaha Dastuuriga ahi ay inta badan si taxaddar ah iskaga eegaan arrimaha loola tago iyaga oo darsa doodaha ay salka ku hayaan. Haddii ay nuxurkooda ka dhex waayaan khilaaf fasiraadeed oo qodobo sharci toos ugu sal leh, waxa ay iskaga oodaan go'aan sharci (dismiss) oo faah-faahsan, iyaga oo ku sababeeya in ay arrintaasi tahay su'aal siyaasadeed (political question) oo aanay ahayn su'aal garsoor (not a judicial question).

  Inaga Somaaliland ahaan: imisa jeer ayaa la garsooreeyay arrimo siyaasadeed oo go'aan-qaadasho baahsan u baahnaa? Akhriste adiga ayaan kaa tagay su'aashaasi.