KHUDBADII 18, May,1997-kii: HAMIGII CIGAAL IYO ARAGTIDIISII KU WAAJAHNAYD DHISMAHA QARANKA.

Madaxweyne Muxammed X.Ibraahim Cigaal. 

"Allahu Akbar !

Allahu Akbar !

Waxaan idiin leeyahay Kulligiin, yar iyo weyn asalaamu calaykum !

Alxamdu lillaahi Rabil Caalamiin… waxa I dhaqaajiyay, halkan baabuurtii inagga dhaaftay waxa ku jiray baabuur la odhan jiray Sahra Tuugo. Habeenna kuma seexan, Sahra ayaa halkan Salaantaada usoo mari doonta. Wax Ilaahay loogu shukri naqaa weeyi, iyaduna iyo kuwa wadaana, maantay sharaf leeyihiin. Inagguna lib weyn, ayay maanta inoo tahay, in, aynu inagoon kala adkaanine walaalo ah, aynu isugu nimid kulligeen  sannad guuradeenii lixaad inagoo is beer-xaadhanay, oo walaalo ah, oo aan buqdi iyo cadho iyo ciil isku qabin,  inaynu maanta halkan ku wada fantisiyaynayno, waxay ila tahay lib weynbay inoo tahay,  dadka in yarbay ka suurogashaa, Qaramada in yarbay, ka suurogashaa. Kuwa xabadda isla dhacayaa, waxay kala haystaan ma jiro. Wixii ina kala gaadhay, wax ka yarbaa kala gaadhay. Caqli iyo Cilmi iyo aqoon ay ku yidhaahdaan, waar maxaynu isku dilaynaa?, Maxaynu kala haysanaa ?

Intaynu is nidhi, ayuunbaa Ilaahay ku ilhaamin waayay mooyaane, waxa ay ku kala maqanyihiin ma ay jirto. Waa mid Ilaahay loogu shukriyo.

 Alxamdu lillaahi Rabil Caalamin !

 

Sawir; Gaadhigii loo yaqaanay Sahra Tuugo

Waxaan leeyahay maanta, tan maanta idinku wada taagan ee aad xogtiisa wada xiisanaysaan ayaa, ay guurtidu ii keentay liistadii labadii gole,aniguna waxaan ku amray xog-hayntaa, inay  labada gole iskugu yeedheen fadhigoodii ugu horreeyay maalinta arbacada, oo aynu ku dhaarin doono, wixii dambe sida uu distoorku kolba u qoro ayaa tallaabooyinkii loo kala qaadayaa.

waxaynu maanta galnay axdi cusub, aaniguna waxaan leeyahay, wixii aan  kasii taab-taabtay mooyee wixii aad iga sugayseen, in aanay sabtida amma axadda igu dhaafin oo aan soo dhammeyn doono. Horta waxaynu hadda galnay cahdi cusub, oo u baahan in aynu ku baraarugno, oo shaydaankaa,  kool-kooliya xumaantee, sidii aynu ficilkii hore ugu dadaali jirnay, ee aynu ugu fir-fircoonayn, waa mid maanta inooga baahan inaynu isna u fir-fircoonaano oo, danteenniiya, oo horumarkeeniiya, oo dal-dhiskiiya, oo dad-dhiskiiya.

In dawladnimadii la taago oo doorashadii dhacday bishii dhawayd bilaw u tahay, shantaas sanno ee arrinkaasi dhisnaanayo, waxa weeyaan sidii aynu asaaska Somaliland ugu dhigi lahayn. wuxuu yidhi nabigu calayhi Salaati wa salaam nin waliba ragannimaddii uu lahaa jaahilayadii, ayuunbuu Islaamkan lasoo galay ayuu yidhi...nin la badalay ma jiro. Raggiinii waxaan markaas filayaa, in intii fir-fircoonaan loo lahaa ficilkii dhexdeenna ahaa ee xumaa, ee khasaare uu keenay mooyee, wax faaido ah oo ka yimid aanu jirin, in fir-fircoonidii mid leeg loogu  socdo, oo loogu hawlgalo dhismaha iyo asaaska aynu u dhigayno caruurteena, mustaqbalkeena, iyo taariikhdeenna.

Waxaan anigu had iyo jeer jecelahay, in nin wax dhisa, oo qawmiyad iyo qaran abuura, nabigeennii suubanna ayaa ugu qiimo waynaa uguna qaayo waynaa, waa in aynu kaga dayanno sidii uu wax u dhisay. Cahdigiiaynu soo dhaafnay, waxaan ku tilmaami jiray  cahdigii uu Nabigu odhan jiray "Al mu'allafatu beyna quluubihim".

Dhawr jeerbuu Ilaahay ku canaantay.......qofba, ninkii fudud iyo inta cadhoonaysa iyo inta aan  wali diintii qaadan ayuu soo dhawayn jiray.

 Dhawr jeer ayuu Ilaahay ku canaantay nabigiisa, oo uu ku yidhi suuratul  Kahf  "asbir nafsaka macalladiina...yadcuuna rabbahum bil Qhadati wal cashiyi. walaa tacdu caynaaka canhum, turiidu ziinatul xayaati dunyaa...." kuwa cadhoonaya,  waxba isha ha ku gubine, kuwan aad isha ka lalinayso ee ilaahay caabdudaya habeen iyo maalin, kuwaas la fadhi oo ku dhex sabir ayuu Ilaahay yidhi...waana kii markale isagoo Ilaahay cannaanaya ku laha "cabasa wa tawallaa, in jaa'ahul acmaa,..."

Cahdigaasi wuxuu ahaa cahdigii duugoobay, ee la lahaa cadhatira amma cadho biiya,wuxuu dhammaaday cahdigaasi maalintii Maka la furay ee dagaalkii Sokkeeye ee dhex joogay Carab iyo Quraysh uu dhammaaday, ee kabcada la furay ee la iskugu yimid kabcada, ee Bilaal fuulay ee,  uu ka addimay, ayaa cahdigaasi dhammaaday.

Shirwaynahaasi markii uu dhammaaday, iyo Sahra tuugo soo xaroodkeedii ayuu cahdigaasi inaggana ku dhammaaday. Waxaa aynu markan dambe galnay, cahdiga dambe ee Qaran-dhiskii iyo Qoomiyad dhiskii, iyo asaaskii loo taagi lahaa Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland wax weeyi taasi markaas in laga jeesto maqaayad laga sheekeeyo oo dawladdii maxay qabatay la yidhaahdo Somaliland ku dhismi mayso.. Jamhuuriyaddani waxay ku dhismaysaa marka uu dadkeedu u dhiidhiyo, Kanadi ninka la yidhaahdo ayuu Maraykan doortay, Maraykanna maanta waa dawladdii caalamka, uguKarti  weynayd ugu hanti badnayd, maalintii ugu horraysay ee uu xilka la wareegay ayuu yidhi, waxaan idinka doonayaa reer Maraykanaw, inaydaan odhan maxaa maraykan ii qabatay, ee aad ku fakirtaan,  maxaan Maraykan u qabtaa..maanta cahdigan aynu galnay waxa weeyaan cahdi dhismo,

Dhismana !

 waxa isagu dhismi kara, ninkii isagu,  is-dhisa, maxaa la i siiyaa iyo maxaan cunaa waxba ku hagaagi maayaan. Wax la cunayna dal dhisi maayaan. Nimanka aan Madaxda idiinka dhigay ee aan dawladda u dhiibayana waxaanu ku balannay,..inta dambe ee meel ii taallana aanu ku ballamaynaa, makhaayad dambe ma jirto, Makhaayad ma jidho ! waxa weeyi ninkii madaxda ahaa ee meel loo dhiibay, xilka loo dhiibay in uu kasoo baxo oo ay dhaqso u muuqato, oo shacabka uu xilka u hayo ay dhaqso ugu muuqato waxa uu u qabtay iyo waxa u fulay iyo waxa u dhiman.Laakiin ma muuqanayso haddaydaan idinku la heyn. Haddii aad idinku maqaayaddii haysaan oo barrito waxa loola tagaa, ay noqoto, maxaad reer hebel u tartay, maxaad aniga isiisay, dhiilkan maxaad ku shubtay, dherigan maxaad ku riday,..intaa haddii waxa la waydiiya tahay…

Inan (gabadh) ayaa la waydiiyay ayaa la yidhi, oo la weydiiyay naa maxaad buuqan usoo gashay,..waxay tidhi toban nin ayaan isha kaga hayay dadkii aan la noolaa, oon Ilaahay odhan jiray, Ilaahaw tobankaa nin, mid uun calafkayga iiga dhig. Tobankiiba way ii yimaadeen oo waxay yidhaahdeen bay tidhi, naa marada dhigo. xaaraanbay iila yimaadeen bay tidhaahdeen.

Dee yaa  hadhaybay tidhi, yaan sugaa?

 Dee raggani, dadka ay sugayaan ee ay magac iyo maamuus ka doonayaan, idinka weeyi, idinkuna waxaad ku maamusaysaan, waxaad ku qadarinaysaan, hadday tahay dhiilka maxaad ku ridaysaan, ree hebel maxaad tartay, haddii aad leedihiin qaydhin ku qaybi wixii laguu dhiibay oo aad barrito, yaa markaas ! yaa markaas !....

Dee maxaan anigu ku yidhaahdaa?, muxuu se  isagu isku yidhaadaa?..waa inantaas oo kale !

waa tobankii aan lahaa, doorasho, haddii aad barrito isku taagto, magac iyo maamuus ka hel. Doorashaa la galayaa, nin reer hebelnimo markaas meel ku tagayaa ma jiro. Haddii tobankii nin ee uu lahaa kuwaasaa ku dhisi, kuwaas ayaad magac iyo maamuus ka doonaysaa, xiniinyo kuwa kugu jira maahee, kuwa lagula garab taaganyahay weeyi,  tobankiiba hadday yimaadeen oo ay yidhaahdaan , reer hebel iigu soo dhiib,  xagguu wax ka qaban?

waxa weeyi gacantiinnay ku jirtaa !

Aniga laga bilaabo, illaa dabi-kaatiyaasha barri la dhaarin doono, illaa wasiirka aan anigu cayimi doono, illaa Sheekh Ibraahim, mid waliba gacantiinnay ku jirtaa,  waxaad nagu kalliftaan, ma diidi karno. Waxaad doonaysaan, hadday tahay keena, waa keena uun. Xeerkeenu waa kaas. Waxaad naga doonaysaan hadday tahay: maxaad qabateen?,  maxaad kordhiseen?, iskuulkeed dhisteen?, cusbitaalkii maxaa yaalla?, wadadani maxay u bur-bursantahay?. Taas waxaad nagula xisaabtamaysaan hadday tahay, wallaahi barraan kasoo baxaynaa, oo iskuulkii dhisaynaa, oo cusbitaalkii dhisaynaa, oo wadadii hagaajinaynaa, oo idinka halkiina ay mid waliba nimcadu kusoo gaadhaysaa.

Ma sugaysaan hadaba?, Maxaa inoo ballama?

ma dharigaan idiinku ridnaa?,  Misa dhulkaanu galinnaa?

ka jawaaba hadaba…………" 

Qeyb kamida Khudbaddii Madaxweyne Cigaal, 18-kii May, 1997-kii uu khayriyada ka jeediyay.

Transcribed and posted by Garyaqaan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul. 

KULMIYE PARTY IS AT CROSSROADS ; SILANYO CLINGS THE REINS OF THE HORSE AND MUUSE IS PREPARING TO PULL HIM DOWN.

Posted on January 28, 2014. 

by Garyaqaan Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Bacaluul (waddi12@gmail.com)

The tsunami of the political parties is their General assemblies, when they are selecting their big candidates for the presidential elections. It is when the party’s neck is on the line, when the cracks develop in to valleys, fragmented wings appear, and the exchange of the worst remarks among the colleagues is inevitable. Being afraid to face this decisive moment, Kulmiye party keeps pushing back the timeline scheduled for its internal competition. As we learned from the previous experiences, there will be a political tricks and rows over the delegate-selecting processes and organizing the assembly. Each candidate will not spare any effort or penny to build up strong coalition within the party by attempting to add the most active players in his lineup.

As the political forecasts foretold, in a time Kulmiye party is busy on processing its candidate for the 2015 presidential election. Mouse Bihi the chairman of the party, Abdi-asees Samale who is the minister of finance, and president Silanyo, are the only three names typed with bold fonts. Although, there could be more undecided candidates who want to pray when they hear the call.

The pioneer of Kulmiye party, Mr Silanyo believes that he had not gotten the returns of his input. He wants to be the presidential candidate of the party. Now, he is not Silanyo, the man he once was. He is the most powerful man of the nation; he got to know what being a president really means.He understood why Riyale repeatedly wanted the extension of his presidential terms.For this reason, he reactivated his political maneuvers within the party. Using his influence as the Somaliland president, and his profound experience as the former party leader, he is expected to come up with his own tactics .All he waits is to step up to the stage when it gets the Showtime.

Silanyo  has a right to stand for re-election. Nevertheless, it would be a breach of trust for Behis supporters. To do this, president Silanyo should make internal engagements within the party. The members of the party’s leadership or dissolving unfavorable coalitions in to pieces. To make everyone dance with his tune, since he has a lot of things to offer. If Mousa is too stubborn to be a close friend, then he should be listed as a political disposable buddy that is not worthy more than Tolwaa; a well-respected SNM commander, and Igal’s vice president.

Mouse Behi, the current chairman of Kulmiye party. This time he looks serious, though Abdul-azees Samaale remains to be his challenge ahead of the big time. He has to prove that he is a hard-dying contester, not a political joke this time. I do not know whether Silanyo candidacy is no longer surprise to him. If he is vigilant enough, to take all potential uncertainties into account, Mouse should be well-prepared for this hot party race. Whether, it is the boss or someone else.

The third player is Abdul Azees Samaale, unknown imam in one of Hargeisa’s Mosques and an elected deputy chairman of the lower parliamentary house. A man who stepped down from his elected position in return for a ministerial position appointed under presidential decrees. Now his dismissal depends on the president’s pleasure. His political Cv is not older than his parliamentary ticket, but now seems to be a big fish swimming in the depth of the political ocean. In the party struggle, Mr Samale proves to be a choking sugar lamp stack in Behi’s throat.

His stance to stand for presidential candidacy remains to be a controversial topic. His engagement within party sphere and the ways he is doing things casts doubtful outlook to the political commentators. Samale’s hesitations, when it comes to Silanyo’s face-to-face match, and his readiness when Mouse’s political endeavors comes up to the surface remains to be unresolved paradox . Some political commentators hold that Samaale is nothing more than Silanyo’s made-up robot, or an aide who is hired to outsmart Mouse’s sympathizers. While others hold that Samaale is serious, interpreting his hesitation as a tactic to keep his position in the government. Hence, it is the Show-time, when Samale’s true faces will come to light.

Apart from the competition for the party’s presidential candidacy, will-be vice presidents do not come to the surface yet. We do not know, whether Seyli’i is going to ride the horse with Silanyo this time or searching for an active political colleague within the party. Seyli’s continuing influence in the party activities could be interpreted as his political worries about falling from the leadership ladders in the upcoming season.

All I want to tell is the Somali proverb that says “no more bragging, if the horses are ready for the race”. (Fardo la isku hayo,maxaa la iskaga faanin).

Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul.

Bacaluul: HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI I...

Bacaluul: HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI I...: Waxa ugu badnaan laga joogaa 30 sannadood markii ay xabsiga u taxaabeen iyagoo jidh-dilay calooshood u shaqaystayaashii la jiray Kali taliy...

HALKAY MARAYSAA DACWADDII U DHAXAYSAY WARFAA ALI IYO KOLONEL TUKEH ?

Waxa ugu badnaan laga joogaa 30 sannadood markii ay xabsiga u taxaabeen iyagoo jidh-dilay calooshood u shaqaystayaashii la jiray Kali taliyahii Soomaliya  ee Maxamed Siyad Barre. Farhan Warfaa Ali kamay hadhin naxdintii iyo saskii uu ka qaaday, maalintii uu sarkaalkii ciidanka ahaa,  ee waraysanayay,  intuu bistoolad ula soo baxay,  uu shanta xabadood ku dhuftay, isagoo meel u dhaw taagan.  

Farhaan Warfaa oo la taagan Qareennadiisii.Wuxuu Farhaan dacawaynaa, Yuusuf Abdi Ali, oo dambiyo badan  ka geystay Somaliland 1980-kii, isla markaana deggan dalka Maraykanka. Photograph; Centre for
Justice and Accountability.                                    

Colonel Yuusuf Abdi Ali ( Tuke).
Photograph: Centre
 for Justice  and Accountability

Hadaba, isagoo, u malaynaya in uu dilay maxbuuskii uu waraysanayay ee loo haystay dambi aan kasii waynayn taangi biyood oo la xaday, ayuu Ciidankii ku amray inay maydkiisa qaadaan, soona aasaan.

Laakiin Warfaa oo ka samatabaxay dilkaasi, ayaa xabsigii ka fakaday, kadib markii uu gacan-siiyay askari naxariis badnaa kaasi oo si qarsoodi ah uga saaray kaamboolkii xabsiga.Walaw la odhan karo, askarigani wuu bad-baadiyay, hadana dulmanahani wuxuu noqday mid la nool dhawaacyo nafsiyeed iyo xaalado maskaxeed oo ka dhashay dhacdadaasi xanuunka lahayd ee soo martay. 

Sarkaalkan ku eedaysan in uu toogtay Warfaa waqtigaasi, wuxuu hayay xil-sare oo amar-bixin iyo go'aan-qaadashaba leh. Isagoo noqday kii ugu arxanka darnaa ee loogu cabsida badnaa jiray, mudadii 20-ka  sannadood ahayd ee ay jirtay Kalitalisnimadii Siyaad Barra, siday xustay kooxda u doodda Xuquuqda Aadamaha ee fadhigoodu yahay Kalifoorniya (dalka Maraykanka) ee loo yaqaano Xarunta Caddaaladda iyo La-xisaabtanka (Centre for Justic and Accountability) marka lasoo gaabiyana,  loo yaqaano ( CJA).

Kolonel Yusuf Abdi Ali, oo ku magac dheeraa (Tukeh) , wuxuu ahaa hogaamiyihii haystay Brigaydhkii Shanaad ee Ciidankii Somaliya, ee 1980-maadkii. Wuxuuna cabsi-galin ballaadhan ku hayay dadkii kasoo jeeday beelaha Isaaq ee deggan Somaliland. Wuxuu  amar ku bixin jiray, inta baddanna, ka qayb qaadan jiray hawl-gallaadii baahsanaa ee xabsi-geynta, jidh-dilka, iyo, dilalkii  Maxkamad la'aanta ahaa. Tacaddiyadaasi oo  u hannaansanaa qaab maamuleed, oo  lagula kici jiray dad, aan tiradooda lasoo koobi karin. 


Eedaysane Ali,  sidoo kale wuxuu hogaaminayay hawlgallo, lagu baabiyay tuulayoon badan, sida ay xaqiijisay CJA. 

Xubno ka mida ( Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team) oo ku xeeldheer Cilmiga lagu lafa-guro Caddaymaha  ama raadadka ka hadha dhacdooyin iyo facyaw hore.

1991-kii, markii ay dhacday dawladdii Siad Barre,  Ali wuxuu u baxsaday dalka Kanada, muddooyinkii dambena wuxuu si joogto ah, u degay dalka Maraykanka. Dadaallada loogu jiro in lagu horkeeeno cadaaladdu, waxay ka sii socon doonaan Maxkamadaha Rafcaanka ee Firjiiniya arbacada. Dhagaysigaasi oo saamayn ku yeelan doona, dacwad ku oogista eedaysanayaasha loo haysto inay gaysteen dambiyo dagaal ee ku nool dalka Maraykanka.

Qareenadda u doodaya eedaysanaha (Tukeh) ayaa codsanaya in dacwaddan inta badan jiidantay, ee ugu horraynteedii la furtay 2004-tii, oo dib-u-dhac intaas leeg ku yimid hab-socodkeedii, ay gabi ahaanba meesha ka baxayso, maadaamo oo ay leeyihiin wuxuu haystaa Xukun Maxkamadda Sare kasoo baxay oo siiyay Dhawrsanaan. Xukunkaasi oo la xidhiidhay dacwad kale.

Halka Garyaqaanada CJA, ee matal, oo ay gacansiinaaan Qareenada kaalmeeya dadka itaalka daran (Pro bono lawyers) kana tisan Shirkadda Sharci ee magaceeda la yidhaahdo DLA Piper, ay Kaga doodi doonaan Maxkamada Rafcaanka, in uu go'aankaasi Maxkamadda Sare khuseeyo Dacwad Shirkadeed, sidaa darteedna aanu, gabbood u noqon karin ama faaido u yeelan karin,  Qof la ogyahay in uu dadka,  nolasha ku ciqaabi jiray. Kaasi oo daggan Caarriga Maraykanka.

Waxayna aaminsanyihiin Qareenaddan u doodaya Warfaa, in Go'aankasta oo u dan ah Kolnaylku uu daciifin doono awooddii sharciyeed ee uu lahaa Xeerka Magdhawga Shisheeyaha ( Alien Tort Statute) ee loo yaqaan (ATS). Xeerkaasi oo soo jireen ahaa muddo Qarniyo ah, ayay waayadan dambe Kooxaha u dooda Xuquuqda Aadamuhu aad u adeegsadaan. Waxaanu Xeerkani, xaq u siinayaa dadka aan u dhalan dalka Maraykank in ay dacwad madani ah ka furtaan Maxkamadaha Maraykanka,  haddii ay dalkaasi ka helaan Shaqsiyaad ay u tirsanayaan tacaddiyo iyo gefaf ka dhan ah aadamaha markii ay dalkoogii joogeen. Dacwad-furashadani waxa shardi u tahay laba arrimood: (1) Waa in aanu dacwooduhu waqtigii tacadiyaddaasi loo geystay uu joogay meel ka baxsan Maraykanka; (2) Waa in uu caddeeyo in  aanu dalalkaasi (xadgudubku ka dhacay) aanu ka heli karin  daw-bixin  iyo nidaam u caddaalad sameeya isaga iyo ciddii u awoodda sheegatay.

"Tani waa markii ugu horraysay ee Maxkamadda Rafacaanku ay u adeegsan doonto Go'aankii Maxkamadda Sare, arrin la xidhiidha shaqsi dambi-geyste ah oo magan  galyo ka raba Maraykanka, sidoo kalana waa markii ugu horraysay ee ay Maraykanka hortimid in uu go'aan ka gaadho wuxuu sharci ahaan ka yeeli doono shaqsiyaadka geysta Xad-gudubyada baahsan ee aadminimada ka baxsan (Mass Atrocity Crimes). Ma wuxuu Maraykanku noqon doonaa gabbood ay kusoo dhuuntaan kolonel Tukeh iyo kuwa la midka ah, ama wuxuu noqon doonaa meel caddaalada lagu mariyo, waa su'aasha ay jawaabteedu ku xidhantahay go'aanka Maxkamadda " Ayay tidhi Qareen,  Kathy Robert oo ka tirsan CJA.

Dacwaysanuhu wuxuu  isku dayay in ka badan 30 sannaadood, in uu horistaago Xukun-maxkamadeed Sharciyoobay (Legal Precedent) oo u ogolaaday in dhibanayaasha loo geysto tacaddiyo lid ku ah aadminimadu, ay dacwadahooga ku furtaan Xeerka loo yaqaan ATS, si ay magdhaw uga helaan kadeedkii loo geystay".

Xukunka Maxkamadda Sare ee uu Tuke u cuskanayo difaaciisa, waa go'aankii 2013-kii ee u dhexeeyay Kiobel v Royal Dutch Shell Petroleum. Taasi oo Gudidii Garsoor ee dacwaddan ka garnaqday, ay  go'aamisay, in aanay kooxdii reer Nayjeeriya ee qoxoontiga ku ahayd Maraykanku aanay xaq u lahayn, ay ku dacweeyaan Shirkaddii British-Dutch Multinational. Kuwaasi oo ku eedeeyay inay Shirkaddu si hoos ahaana ula wadday jidh-dilkii iyo dilalkii ay Milatariga Nayjeeriya kula kici jireen Mudahaaradaayaashii u ololaynayay Deegaankaa 1990-meeyadii.

Gudida garsoor ee u xilsaaran dhagaysiga rafcaankani waxay ka koobantahay 3 Garsoore. Arrinta hortaale ee laga sugayo in uu go'aanku ka jawaabo, ayaa ah bal incabashadan ka dhanka ah Cali, ay saamayn raad iyo saamayn ku leedahay, si ay u helaan sababo ku filan oo ay kaga gudbaan go'aankii Kiobel, iyo bal in uu Cali xaq u leeyahay Dhawrsanaanta Xeerka soo yaalka ah ee afka qalaad lagu yidhaahdo koman law (Common law).

Roberts wuxuu ku doodayaa, in joogitaanka Cali uu joogo Maraykan tan iyo 1996-kii, uu tilmaamayo in uu haysto deganaansho Rasmiya oo guur ahaan lagu siiyay, sidoo kalana mar haddii guuritaankiisa uu ku soo degay Firjiniya ay caddayn ugu filantahay Garsoorayaasha Rafcaanka.

Joseph Drennan, oo Qareen difaac u ah Ali, ayaa ka gaabsaday in uu wax faallo ah siiyo Joornaalka Kasoo baxa Ingiriiska ee loo yaqaano DA GAARDIYAN (The Guardian). Wuxu hore ugu dooday inay arrinta dagaanaanshiyaha ee la xidhiidha Tukeh ay sharci ahaan ka baxsantahay Mawduuca dacwadda, waxaanu qoraal gaaban oo uu u qoray Maxkamada Bishii 3aad ee sannadkan ku yidhi "Maxkamadda Sare waxay dacwadii Kiobel ku go'aamisay, in aanay halka uu dacweysanuhu ka joogo Maraykanka aanay ahayn arrin khusaysa ujeeddooyinkii loo asaasay Awoodaha Sharciyeed ee xeerka ATS”

Hadaba, Arbacada soo socota (16/09/015 ) oo fadhi gaaban oo dhegaysiya la yeelan doono, waxa laga filayaa inay Maxkamadda Rafcaanka  ee Maraykanku ay 90 maalmood gudahood ku soo saari doonto go'aan. Warfaa oo ah nin oday si weyn maamuus ugu leh, deegaankiisa Gabiley, ayaan fadhigaasi kasoo qayb gali doonin, balse codsaday in arrintiisa la baahiyo"

Dhammaad.

N.B;

Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul, isagoo fulinaya Codisigaasi Dhibbane Warfaa, iyo in badan oo la mid ah, oon codkooga la maqal, dulmigaasina helin cid ka daw-marisa, amaba kuba nafwaayay,  wuxuu tarjumay warkan uu kasoo xigtay Warfidiyeenka The Guardian oo baahiyay 16/09/015.

KEEBAAD GARTA SIIN LAHAYD?

Euathlus oo ahaa arday sharci-barad ah iyo macallinkiisii Protogoras ayaa ku heshiiyay in aanu intay wax-barashadu socoto fii ama lacag-waxbarasho la waydiin ardayga. Lacagtaasina ay bixinteedu waajib noqon doonto, haddii uu Euathlus ku guulaysto dacwadiisa koowaad.

Waxa la xusaa in Protagros uu waydiistay lacagtii wax-barista markii uu Euathlus dhammaystay,sharci-dhigashadiisii.

                                                                                                                                                                    

Hadaba, Euathlus,wax dadaala muu samayn oo uu ku shaqo tago, manuu kasban haba yaraatee hal shaqsi oo uu sharci ahaan ugu adeego (clients).

Markii uu Mucallinkii muddo sugay in uu ardaygiisu iska bixiyo dayntii, ayuu isku qanciyay in waxba kasoo naaso-caddayn ninkii Eathalus. Waxaanu arkay ninkii oo aan dacwadba diyaar u ahayn in uu dacwaddii koowaad ee lagula heshiiyayba uu galo.

Kadib ayuu Protogoras go’aansaday in uu isaga laftiisu dacweeyo oo uu aftaxaba dacwad qaadista, si ay Maxkamaddu heshiiskii ka dhexeeyay ugu fuliso, dayntiisiina uga siiso Euathlus.

Markii la gudo galay dacwaddii Maxkamadda ayuu Euathlus ku dooday in aanu bixin doonin Fiiga ama lacagtii wax lagu baray,  haddii uu ku guulaysto go’aanka Maxkamadda. Iyo haddii lagaga guulaysto kiiskan.

Bal haddaba ka garnaq dacwaddan, adigoo heshiiskooda iyo dooddooba isku eegaya? Keebaa saxan labadooda ood xukunka xaggiisa u ridi lahayd ?

 By  Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul. 

From Somaliland to Afghanistan: Why States Recover – By Greg Mills

The Somaliland city of Burao, high above the sweaty coastal plain that centres on the port of Berbera, was the site of a remarkable conference nearly a quarter of a century ago that ended the fighting in this Horn of African country.

Somaliland’s democracy was built on five major internal meetings, starting with the Grand Conference of the Northern Peoples in Burao, held over six weeks and concluding with the declaration of Somaliland’s independence from Somalia on 18 May 1991.

Once the capital of British Somaliland, at the time Buroa was, says Mohamud Jama, then a UN official, “a mess – the stench and flies forced us to wear masks over our mouths. The refugee population and the militias had defecated in the buildings, and there were no services at all.’

The declaration was signed in an octagonal tin-roofed building near the colonial governor’s building, without electricity and running water, the white walls outside still pock-marked by bullet holes, the blue inside smeared with dirt and graffiti.

Today children play on its porch, swinging on its pillars, darting around the sandy streets. Burao’s officials are determined to leave the building as is, a memorial to those heady days.

Conferences in Burao and, later, Bomora, were managed and financed by locals, bringing their own food and shelter. These events were “bottom-up, not top-down”, emphasises Mohamed Omar, the Minister of Commerce, “unlike Somalia’s, which has been top-down, driven by donors through leadership and taking place outside the country”.

Somalilanders concentrated on achieving peace, not on acquiring financial rents for delegates from the process, a feature which has continually by contrast blighted Somalia’s attempts to the south, where conflict entrepreneurs have fed off both the fighting and the talking.

While contemporary isolation might impede the consolidation of its development, Somaliland’s home-built steadiness so far exemplifies the limits of external intervention in stabilising countries and the necessity of local ownership. The irony does not end there. The route to reclaiming Somaliland’s independence lies through Mogadishu, in getting its southern neighbour to agree to a divorce; but the Mogadishu government is barely functional, little more than a Western-supported and African-military controlled client state.

Somaliland’s stability illustrates the paradox and limits of aid. The economy is poor, based on livestock farming and exports and remittances.  The Somaliland government budget was just $152 million in 2014. GDP is estimated at $350 per capita annually for its 3.5 million people. Donor funding is just $120 million annually, most of which goes into roads and water infrastructure, and much of the rest into boosting agriculture. By comparison, the European Union alone is spending €25 million each month in Somalia to the south, much of this on those that otherwise would be at war.

The difference between Somaliland and Somalia is the difference between a peace that is locally ‘owned’ and a rent-seeking peace. A lack of aid has meant that Somalilanders have had to find their own way, and the lack of external involvement has left local structures in place. It is a prototype for making peace elsewhere, the lesson for outsiders being: Less is often more. Foreigners cannot after all want peace more than the locals. This is a first of several lessons in understanding why states recover and the role of outsiders in this process.

Getting it right depends on answering the question of why the international community so often gets it wrong in managing transitions, from war to peace, and from poverty to prosperity. Even so, the difference between state recovery and failure involves more than the efficacy of external actors, no matter the attempts to plan and resource a coherent strategy, to achieve better coordination, staffing, commu­nication, and to establish clear pillars, goals, objectives, systems of accountability, and clear priorities.

The drivers of state success include legitimacy, not just stability; soft systemic not just hard physical infrastructure; and the emergence of issue- rather than identity-led political and economic choices, where narrow self-interest is subsumed by national concerns. Transforming states is not just about ‘getting the external formula right’ and resourcing it properly. It’s about the politics, and the political economy, and living with local solutions, however messy they appear.

Security is imperative: indeed, it is the door through which much else follows, including better governance and development. You can’t fix instability without fixing, first, security. To do that effective armed forces are required, including the police.

But security alone offers only a temporary fix. As one US Marine general put it in the headquarters of the International Security Assistance Force in Kabul, “The military is inherently corrosive to development, but necessary too. It’s a bit like treating cancer with the military the chemotherapy. You try and kill the disease – the insurgent – before the patient …”

Experience teaches that back-filling behind the establishment of security with increased economic activity ensures transitions are more likely to stick. Understanding and implementing policies for economic growth is however the bit that many have struggled with, for a whole host of reasons – not least that governments and, from outside, aid agencies don’t understand business well or, worse still, are sometimes ideologically antithetical towards the private sector.

As a result, the international community is very poor at delivering development, especially in post-conflict countries. This should not be surprising since the donors themselves developed through internal rather than external actions. Donor and other forms of external support not only disincentivise normal entrepreneurial activity (with an aid-mothership happily distributing largesse sufficient for the elite) and distorts key economic factors such as overvaluing the currency through large donor inflows, but offers local politicians convenient means to externalise their choices, problems and failures.

The traditional route of an entrepreneur possessing a good idea – borrowing money and starting a business – is lost in the focus on easy money, where talents are diverted to tapping soft donor sources. And there is a deeper and more intractable generational issue that has been exacerbated by conflict and aid regimes. It lies in changing attitudes and ingraining a culture of personal responsibility; that is the biggest challenge to be gripped if Afghans, Liberians, Somalis and Sierra Leoneans, among others, are to ascend the recovery ladder from simply security through peace-building and reconstruction to prosperity.

These failings are inevitably worsened by an inability to stay the course. Countries are quick to respond to emergency situations, or to engage militarily, driven often by their own domestic political considerations. But few have the staying power, as is evidenced by Iraq, whatever the strategic folly in getting involved in the first instance. Thinking things through to the finish, by locals and outsiders, is imperative.

Wherever countries find themselves along the recovery spectrum – emerging from state failure a la Somalia or, at the other extreme, from economic crisis – there is a need to pursue economic policies for success. Development is not a mystery, hence rapid change over decades, especially in Southeast Asia. There are many examples to follow, for big and small countries, and for those both resource rich and poor, and along the full spectrum from outright state collapse and civil war to economic reform and diversification. To not realize this, leadership are epic incompetents, lacking personal courage and political will, obviously somnolent or just uninterested – or all of the above.

Conversely, there is a need to avoid desperate mercantilist, protectionist nationalist measures in trying to recover and grow. There is good reason why such measures were last in vogue during the black-and-white TV era. They don’t work. While short-term booms may be possible, such choices can only ultimately prevent membership of the club of serious economies, especially for African countries, given 97 percent of the global market lies outside the continent.

There are no magic remedies, no silver bullets, no matter how politically attractive such populist policy spasms and combative polemic might be, whether this be Argentina or, for that matter, South Africa. Indeed, if one thing is imperative for all those seeking recovery, it’s to ensure you have a good crisis – use the opportunity to make the right decisions and implement policies for growth, not payback.

The costs of failure and the potential rewards of recovery are enormous. Today the bulk of the world’s poor – totaling 1.1 billion of the planet’s seven billion people – live in failed or failing states. Not only is their lack of development and progress a missed opportunity for all, but their problems are unlikely to remain at home in a world increasingly connected by the flows of people, capital, goods, technology, information and news.

Such statistics have a tragic, human dimension. During 2013, Italian authorities were kept very busy intercepting boats filled to the gunwales with refugees fleeing failure in search of a better life and security. More than 12,000 illegal migrants were detected off Sicily and 8,000 off the island of Lampedusa in the third quarter of 2013 alone, the hazardous Mediterranean passage only one stage in a longer, grueling ordeal for most.

In October, the decomposing bodies of 87 migrants, among them 52 children, were discovered in the Sahara Desert. The two trucks carrying the migrants had broken down while trying to reach Algeria. Their passengers’ corpses were found in groups in a wide radius around a well they were trying to reach. Some had been eaten by jackals. They were fleeing one of the world’s poorest countries, Niger, second from bottom on the United Nations Human Development Index.

The quicker the situations that give rise to such desperate migration can be turned around, the better. History teaches however that the period of recovery for states from failure is at least as long as the period of decline.

Although state failure – or pockets of failure within states – is present in most continents, understanding why states fail and, more importantly, why they recover is particularly pertinent for Africa, since it houses the majority of failed states globally – 23 of 28 at one count.

The imperative for transformation is amplified by the demographic challenges the continent faces. While the world population (at current fertility levels) is anticipated to increase to the nine-billion mark by 2040, Asia and Africa will make up three-quarters of this number, the latter almost topping two billion – twice as many people as today. The problem is not the numbers per se, given that Africa’s population density (27 per sq/km) is little more than half the global average (45), but rather the inability or unwillingness to prepare adequately, hence the chaotic state of Africa’s cities and the paucity of infrastructure. The future, without proper preparation and selfless politics, looks bleak.

Africa’s recent unprecedented economic growth is as welcome as it is necessary in changing these conditions. But it will need to be sustained over generations, and it will give rise to other challenges, especially in the compressed urban setting which will, within a generation, house the majority of Africans, where dearth and excess live cheek by jowl. As De Tocqueville reminds, misery becomes less acceptable when no longer absolute.

State failure, of course, is not just about Somali-style collapse. The strains of fragility – of governance, economics, politics and society – intersect and play out differently in different circumstances. While many states are fragile, there is a group at one extreme that threatens to explode or implode, and is as a result prioritised by external actors. At the other extreme, there are authoritarian democrats; states that might work for now, but whose lack of democratic governance threatens to undermine both their standards of governance and prospects of long-term growth. Think Rwanda.

There is no single reason or tipping point at which a state becomes officially ‘failed’; an imaginary dividing line between success or normality and failure. This explains the difficulty in defining such states, and especially in categorising them. Hence terminology including failed, fragile, weak, collapsed, vulnerable, moribund, straggling, struggling, crisis, quasi-failed, ‘non-state’, broken, invisible, insufficient, stillborn, phantom, or even ‘Potemkin’ states. But these situations should be viewed on a spectrum or continuum rather than a balance sheet of failure.

Countries that work for some, at least for the relatively well-heeled visitor, can work against the locals. Think Kenya. There are those that significantly and continuously under-perform, lurching from crisis to crisis, a roller coaster of political and economic collapse, but do not explode into violence and become the focus of international aid groups, one external metric of failure. Think Argentina.

Yet, there are common features on this spectrum, including the role of policy and personality. Seldom is collapse or failure not in the interests of one group or another – and it can even be a choice, a course of action deliberately and frequently assiduously pursued regardless of the consequences for many citizens. This is a short-term game; while this environment may benefit different groups, the transaction costs are ultimately as ruinous for the privileged elites, if only they knew it, as they are for the nation.

Transformation, to use the former Mozambican finance and Prime Minister Luisa Dias Diogo’s terminology, requires a leadership committed to a ‘national project’, to popular welfare, and intent on putting the country and not their personal interests first.

Popularised by billionaire Warren Buffet, known as the ‘Sage of Omaha’, the term ‘buy and hold’ is synonymous with taking a long-term view; not aiming to enter low and sell high, but rather to build a business over generations. This approach discourages speculative investment and promotes the practice of holding onto shares for years in the belief that the stock is undervalued, and that sound management and patience will not only add value for the investor, but create wealth and jobs in the process. Buy and hold is also the strategy necessary to fix states. Local leaders need to adopt this approach, investing in the future of their countries, and not simply using their power to extract personal wealth.

The paths of reform and recovery are carefully-studied, well-known and available to many; why, we should ask, in a time of peril and possibility, do so few leaders walk them?

Dr Mills heads the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation. His latest book – ‘Why States Recover’ (Hurst) – based on his assignments in three dozen case-studies across the world, is being launched with the RAS this month.

Source;  posted on October 7, 2014 in (http://africanarguments.org/author/africanargumentseditor/)

XORRIYADA QOFKA U HAYSTO IN UU MUUJIYO DAREENKIISA AMA ARAGTIDIISA, ILLAA INTEE AYAY FIDSANTAHAY?

W/Q: Garyaqaan Maxamad Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul (waddi12@gmaiL.com)

Garyq Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.

Tibaaxda “Xorriyatul qawl” oo ah mid aynu kasoo amaahanay afka carabiga,balse noqotay eray-bixin sideeda ku soomaaliyowday,isla markaana macnaheeda iyo nuxurkeedaba badanaaba aynu si isula wada aragno. Waxa aynu alaaba maqalnaa tibaaxdan marka ay saxaafada iyo xukuumadu isku dhacaan, la iskuna qabto qoraalo iyo warbixino kusoo baxay wargeysyada ama laga baahiyay telefiishinada. “Xorriyatul qawl”haddii eray ahaan loo fassiro macnaheedu wuxuu noqonayaa “ Xorriyada loo haysto odhaah afeedka”. Balse Somali ahaan waxaynu u adeegsanaa si ka ballaadhan “odhaah afeed” oo waxaynu u isticmaalna siyaabaha kale duwan ee qofku aragtidiisa ku muujiyo; hadday tahay qoraal, sawir, cod iyo tilmaamo kaleba.

Waxay se u arkaa inaanay “xorriyatul qawl” ahayn eraybixinta saxda ah, ee koobsanaya nuxurka mugaas leh. “Xorriyada uu qofku u leeyahay inuu muujiyo aragtidiisa iyo dareenkiisa” ayaa noqon lahayd tan adeegsi ahaan ku haboon halkeeda, una dhigmi karta ujeedada guud ee laga leeyahay waxa afka qalaad loogu yeedho “Freedom of Expression”.

Hadaba maxay koobsataa sharci ahaan iyo ujeeda ahaan “Xorriyada uu qofku uleeyahay inuu muujiyo aragtidiisa iyo dareenkiisu”?

Marka xorriyad la leeyahay, waxa alaaba loo jeedaa faro-galin la’aan ka timaada xukuumada. Taasi oo laga reebayo inay a) Is-hortaagto ama mamnuucdo xaqa uu qofku u leeyahay inuu muujiyo aragtidiisa iyo dareenkiisa: b) ku qasabto inuu qaato ama muujiyo aragti kale; c) Abuurin hab dadka ogalaysiinayo aragti mabda’eedyo gaar oo ay wadato; d) Ku qasbin qof kale inuu dhiirigaliyo ama is-daadraaciyo aragti kale oo u diiddanyahay.

Sideebaa lagu Sugi karaa Sohdimaha aragtida Xorta ah ee shaqsigu leeyahay?

Ma jirto xuquuq ama Xorriyad uu qofku bani’aadamka leeyahay oon lahayni meel ay ku dhammaato. Waajib ayaana qofkasta ka saran inuu xaq-dhowro xuquuqda iyo xorriyaadka kale ee ay qayrkiisu leeyihiin. Maadamo uu dastuurku ka reebayo xukuumada inay soo saarto tallaabooyin iyo xeerar lagu cabudhinayo aragtida xorta ah ee shaqsigu leeyahay.[i] Sidoo kalana ilaalinta dastuurku kuma koobna kaliya u xor ahaanshaha fikir-muujinta, wuxuu kale oo ilaaliyay saxaafada iyo warbaahinta, maadaamo oo ay tahay qalabka uu qofku u adeegsanayo faafinta iyo tabinta aragtidiisa. Walaw, ay jiraan siyaabo kale oo ka baxsan qalabka warbaahinta oo lagu tabin karo aragtidayaha madaxabannaan, sida buug la qoro, garamo lagu xardho qoraalo, ama boodhadh.

 Hadaba marka la leeyahay lama cabudhin karo xorriyada dareen iyo aragti muujineed ee qofku leeyahay, yaan loo fahmin xorriyadaasi looma dhigi karo xad aanay ka gudbi karin[ii]. Walaw ay shardi tahay, in aanay xayndaabyadaasi noqon kuwa gabi ahaanba meesha ka saara jiritaankii xuquuqaha iyo xorriyadaha asaasiga ah. Bal se waa inay noqdaan Xakamayntaasi mid si dheelitiran isugu miisaamaysa xorriyaadka shaqsiyeed, iyo saamaynta taban ee ka dhalan karta xadayn la’aanta xorriyadahaasi[iii]. Waxaana jira darbi sharci ahaan la isla aqoonsanyahay oo aanay xorriyadan aragti-muujintu ka gudbi karin. Waxaana qofkastaba ka reeban inuu tabiyo waxyaabo aragtidiisa ama xaqiiqo ah oo  ay kamid yihiin:

1. Waxyaabo dheg-xumo usoo jiidaya ama farogalinayaba nolosha gaarka ah ee qofka iyo qoyskiisaba;
2. Dhaqan-xumada (obscenity), kuwaasi oo noqon kara tibaaxo ka baxsan dhaqanka caadiga ah ee bulshada, qof kasta oo caadi ahna ka biyo-diidayo;[iv]
3. Sawirada ka baxsan anshaxa, ee muujinaya cawrada-jidheed ee bani’aadamka (Pornography)[v];
4. Aflagaadaynta ama ku dheel-dheelista shacaa’irta diiniga ah[vi];
5. Tabinta xogaha ama adeegsashada weedho iyo erayo colaad hurin kara,ama isku dhac bulsheed oo baahsan abuuri kara[vii];
6. Faafinta xogo iyo muuqaalo sireed oo rasmi ah, kuwaasi oo saamayn ku yeelan kara xasiloonida guud ee qaranka, isla markaana cadawgu ka faa’idaysan karo sida xogaha la xidhiidha ciidamada ;

Marka laga yimaado darbigaasi sharci ee lagama gudbaanka ah, waxa jiri kara, xannibaado si gooniya loogu soo rogo tibaaxo gaar ah  (Content-based restrictions). Tibaaxahaasi oo ay ujeeddooyin jira awgood ay xukuumadi u xakamayn karto muujintooda iyo faafintooda. Walaw aanay tibaaxahaasi aanay kamid ahayn kuwa ay xeerarku sida cad u mamnuuceen tabintooda, oo ay yihiin kuwo caadi ah, haddana waxa loo xannibi karaa in laga tabiyo meelo gooni ah ama in tabintooda lala eegto waqti gaar ah [viii].

 Waxaanay xukuumadu u baahataa xeer-nidaamiyayaal si gaar ah u maanacaya tabinta tibaax-aragtiyeedka nuxur ahaan loo arko inay carqalad ku yihiin hirgalinta dano lagu qasbanyahay (compelling interest). Xakamaynta aragti-muujintan waa in aanay noqon  mid jabinaysa dastuurka, waana in aanay noqon mid si guud ama si joogto ah uga reeban muwaadiniinta, balse waa mid ku kooban  waqti  gaar ah ama  meelo xusan. Tusaale ahaan, in goobaha cibaadada iyo waxbarashada, Garoomada laga reebo tabinta aragtiyo xambaarsan nuxur gaar ah sida kuwa siyaasadeed, qabyaaladeed iwm, ama in la cayimo habka ugu macquulsan uguna saamaynta yar ee nuxuradaasi lagu gudbin karo. Ka warran haddii dugsi ka mid ah dugsiyada sare  afaafkiisa ama gudihiisaba lagu qeybiyo qoraallo ugu yeedhaya ardayda in ay kasoo qeybgalaan bandhig ama munaasibad dhici doonta saacadihii waxbarashadooda. Waxa kale oo kamida tibaaxo iska caadi ahaan jiray markoogii hore, balse xaalado jira awgeed ay xukuumadi u mamnuuci karto tabintooda wakhti kooban. 

Marka la isku qabto in la jabiyay xanibaadihii lagu soo rogay tibaaxahaasi iyo in kale, iyo in ay tibaax x, ama y, ay tahay tibaax la xannibay iyo in kale, waxa fasiraadda tibaaxahaasi iyo qiimeynta saameynta taban ee lagu andacoon karo ka garnaqaya garsoorka. Maxkamada Sare ee Dastuuriga ah ayaana miisaamaysa danaha-xukuumadeed ee ku ladhan xakamaynta tibaaxahan-ku-salaysan nuxur gaar ah iyo saamaynta ay ku yeelan karto xannibaadaasi xorriyadii uu qofku u lahaa inuu dareenkiisa iyo fikirkiisa muujiyo isaga oon la cabudhinaynin. Sidoo kale marka la doonayo in  xakamaynta la hirgaliyo, waa in la helo habab kale  oo u furan dadka,  oo ay u wareegi karaan, si ay u soo bandhigaan afkaartooda.

Sharaf-dillida Qofka (defamation):

Haddii si fudud aan u qeexno, sharaf dilidu waa adigoo qof ka faafiya warbixino waxyeelo ku ah shaqasiyadiisa gaar ahaaneed, shaqadiisa ama xirfadiisa aqooneed. Wararkaasi oo marka ay bulshadu maqasho, damiir ahaan, iyo xidhiidh ahaanba ay u takoorayso qofkaasi, kana noqonayo dhexdeeda “tuke baalcad”.

Sharaf-dilistu ma ah oo qudha marka aad tahay kan sameeyay waxyaabo been ah oo dheg-xumo usoo jiidaya qofka. Balse sidoo kale waxaad dhaawacday sumcadiisii, haddii aad ku cel-celiso ama aad ka jawaabto  weedhahaasi, xataa haddii aand ahayn qofkii sameeyay. Difaacna kuuma noqon karto , haddii aad tibaaxdaasi sharaf-dilka aad  galiso kootayshan “_______” ama aad ku ladho “waa siduu hadalka u dhigay,sida la isla-dhexmarayay, iwm” adiga oo soo guurinaya tibaaxdii sharaf-dilista ahayd ee qof kale sameeyay, si aad iskaga fogayso wixii hadhaw ka soo noqan kara.

Marka laga hadlayo sharci ahaana, qofka waxaad kula kacday sharaf-dil markaa aad ka faafiso xogo dhaleecayn oo  been ah,isaga ama xubin qoyskiisa, oo nool ama dhimatayba.Taasi oo wax u dhimaysa a) haybadiisa shaqsiyeed ee uu bulshada kula noolaa, b)xirfaddiisa aqooneed iyo ganacsigiiyeedba, c) kana dhigaysa mid ay bulshadu iska ururiso, xaqirto amaba ku xamato waxyaabahaasi laga fidiyay.

Siyaabo kale duwan ayay ku iman kartaa sharaf-dilista qofka, kuwaasi oo noqon karaa: 
a) odhaah afeed, ama cod la maqli karo ama;
b) erayo qoraal ah oo loogu talo galay in la akhriyo ama taabasho lagu gartoba,ama;
 c) calaamad afgarasho ah.

Way adagtahay in la caddeeyo ama la qiimeeyo inta ay  gaadhsiisantahay waxyeeladda sharafeed ee loo geystay qof. Sidaa awgeed Sharcigu culays kuma saarayo, inuu qofka dacwoonayaa caddeeyo waxay tahay waxyeladaasi ama illaa inta ay leegtahay. Balse wax mihiim ah, in macnaha ama fasiraada erayada la adeegsaday ay yihiin qaar sharafta wax u dhimaya, sidoo kalana aanay noqon kuwo aan xaqiiqo ahaan u jirin oo been-abuur ah. Waa inay erayadani noqdaan qaar qofka cabanaya ee dhibanaha isku arka loola jeeday shaqsi ahaan, sida iyadoo magiciisa la xusay. Haddii aan magiciisa la sheegina, waa inay tibaaxdu tahay mid qofkasta oo macquul ahi garan karo in qofka loo jeedaa isaga yahay.

Sidoo kalena waa in sawiradaasi ama erayadaasi (lagu andoocanayo ay yihiin qaar sumcad-dilis ah) la  gaadhsiiyay dhinac saddexaad, oo aan ahayn qofka wax laga sheegay iyo kan qofka wax-sheegaytoona. Sharaf-dilisna ma aha waxyaabaha ay labada qofi si toos iskug yidhahdeen , iyagoo isku kali ah, haddii aan lagu faafin bulshada inteeda kale.

Waxyaabo Difaaca u noqon kara qofka loo haysto dacwdaha la xidhiidha sharaf-dilista:

Waxa la isla ogyahay inay saxaafadu tahay tan khaatiga ka taagan dacwadaha la xidhiidha sharaf-dilka. Kuwaasi oo haddii aanu jirin garsoor madaxbanaan oo ka fayow saamayn dibada kaga timaada,isla markaana leh aqoon-sharciyeed oo xeel-dheer, keensan karta,in muwaadinka iyo saxaafaduba ku dhiiran waayo tabinta aragtida xorta ah iyo xaqiiqada hadba jirta. Saxaafaduna geyaysiisa inay noqota mid in-gaar ah u shaqaysa oo aan bulshada u shaqayn, isla markaana aan daah-furi karin xaqiiqooyan dadka ka daahnaa oo ay xaq u lahaayeen inay ogaadaan.

Hadaba si aanay saxaafada iyo qofkasta oo aragtidiisa xorta ahi muujiya uga fogaado dacwad sharaf-dilis oo lagu eedeeyo waxa muhiim u ah inuu ogaado waxyaabaha u isku difaaci doono. Waxyaabaha difaac u noqon kara war am aragti-tabinta waxa ka mida:

Runta ama xaqiiqada:

Waa in waxyaabaha la faafiyay hadday  wartahay ama aragti shaqsiyeedba noqotaa mid ku salaysan xaqiiqo jirta oo run ah. Isla markaana runkasta oo la sheegaaba, ha u qaadan inay ku tahay, difaac aad ka hoos gasho eedaha sharaf-dilista ah, balse waa inay noqotaa faafinta runtaasi mid aad ku sababayan karto,  inay muhiim u ahayd danta guud (public interest). Adigoo ka taxadaraya inay noqoto wax loo nisbayn karo inaad  u adeegsanaysay dano-shaqsiyeed, iyo ku-xumayn idinka dhexaysay qofkaasi.

Aragti-caafimaad qabta (Honest Opinion):

Marka aad isku dafaacayso, in waxyaabahaad tabisay ahaayeen aragti daacad ah,uma baahnid inaad sababayso inay run ahayd iyo in kale. Waxa qudh ah ee aad u baahantahay waa inaad Garsooraha ama xeer-beegtida garsoor ku qancisid inuu waxaad faafisay yahay:

• Aragti oo aanu ahayn war ama xog xaqiiqo ah.
• Ka hadlayo una faafisay muhimad uu u leeyahay danta-guud (public interest).
• Mid xogtiisu ku salaysan ilo-sax ah oo looga qaateen ama kuwa lagu soo xigtay meelo dhawrsan (privileged material)[ix]

Dood siyaasadeed:

Si ay dimuqraadiyadu u noqoto mid shaqaysa, isla markaana abuurto jawi ay aragtida xorta ah ee muwaadiniintu ku hanaqaadi karto, waxa ay Maxkamadaha dastuuriga ahi ee dalalku horumaray wax ka badaleen fasiraada dastuuriga ah ee xorriyada muujinta dareenka iyo rayiga ee shaqsigu leeyahay, khaasatan markay nuxurkeedu la xidhiidho dadka ku dhexjira arrimaha siyaasadeed ee qaranka, ama aan ahayn shaqsiyaad caadiya oo si khaas ah iskaga nool[x].

Hadaba marka laga hadlayo dood ama lafa-gur siyaasadeed, qofka arrimaheeda ku lug lihina kama baxsan karo,haddii uu xil-qaran oo siyaasadeed hayana iska daa hadalkiisaba. Waana tay Somaalidu hore u tidhi “nin xil qaaday , eed qaad”. Waxyaabaha faallooyinka siyaasadeed xambaarsanyihiina maaha waajib inay noqdaan qaar xaqiiqo ah, beentoodana dacwada lagama furan karo, balse siyaasiga dhibsada waxa uu u furan in uu isla asluubtaa lagu fidiyay kaga jawaabo, iskagana daadafeeyo. Haddii aanay tabinta arrimahaasi ahayn mid si naxli ama nacayb-shaqsiyeed ku jiro looga fidiyay, oo aan dadka loogu danaynayn, balse looga socday uun,  sharaftiisa gaar-ahaaneed.

Qofka faafiyayna waxa u mihiima Qaranka, waa in uu ku sababeeyo:

• Inay tabinta xogtani muhiim u tahay dadka xilka loo hayo ama siyaasigani taageerada ka damacsanyahay.
• Inay jirto sababo macquul oo aad rumaysan karto in xogahaad faafisay noqon karaan kuwa xaqiiqo ah.
• Inay faafintaadu daba socon dano khaas ahi, oo aad ka weyday ama colaado shaqsiyeed oo idiin horreeyay.
• In aad samaysay dadaal kasta oo suurtogal ah oo aad qofkan kula xidhiidhi karto si uga jawaabo waxyaabaha dhaleecaynta ku ah ee aad ka fidinayso.

Faafin niyad-sami ah( innocent dissemination):

Waxa jirta marar nadir ah oo ay suxufiyiintu tabiyaan warar waxyeelayn kara sharafta qofka, iyaga oon sidaas u la jeedin (unintentional defamation). Si taas looga hor-tagana waxa la gudboon war-baahiyayaasha ama faafiyaashu inay dib-u-sixid ku sameeyaan, isla markaana raaligalin qofkii dhibanaha ka siiyaan, iyaga maraya habkay u baahiyeen hab la mid ah. Saxaafada qoraalka ahina, waa inay dhigtaa halkay xogtii sharafti dilkiisa dhigtay, halkeedii markay daabaycayso dib-u-sixida iyo raaligalinta, oo aanay meel qarsoon ama hoose dhigin oo aan sidii tii hore loo arkayn.

Raali-ahaanshaha dacwoodaha:

Qofna kama dacwoon karo fal uu raali ka ahaa markii lagu samaynayay.Haddii uu dacwooduhu ogalaa waxyaabaha laga faafiyay iyo sida looga faafiyayn xaq hadhowto u yeelan maayo uu kaga cabto faafintaasi. Ogolaanshuhu wuxuu noqon karaa,adigoo qofka weydiiya “ ma u adeegsan karaa faafintayda weedhahaas ama erayadaas ?” dabadeedna uu ku jawaabao “haa, waad adeegsan kartaa”.

Haddiise aad ku sii cel-celiso adeegsiga weedhihii, marka uu ka dacwooday ka dib, ogow inay noqon karto dacwad kale oo aanad iskaga difaaci Karin raalidiisii hore.

Dacwoode dhintay:

Arrimaha ama dacwadaha la xidhiidha sharaf-dilka waa qaar shaqsi ah.Qof dhintayna ku dacwoon karo sharaf-dhicid. Sidaa darteed haddii uu dhinto dacwooduhu iyadoo dacwadu socoto, ehelkiisa iyo caraartiisu ma dhaxli karaan dacwidiisa amaba maba sii wadi karaan[xi].

Haddiise weedhaha sharaf-dilka ee laga fidiyay marxuum dhintay ay saamayn ku yeelan karto sumcada tafiirtiisa iyo ehelkiisa way ka furan karaan dacwad ciddi  faafisay.

Raaligalin rasmi ah:

Raali-galintu waa hab lagaga baxsan karo dacwadaha madaniga ah ee la xidhiidha sharaf-dilista. Raaligalintaas oo lagu faafiyo warbaahinta si rasmi ahna loogu soo qoro qofku waxay noqon kartaa hab fududeeya arrinta,lagagana bad-baado muran sharciyeed oo maxkamadaha la iskula galo. Balse waa war-tabiyaha waa inuu ka feejignaado arrimaha qaar raali-galintooda,sababtoo waxay ku noqon karaan qiraal, haddiiba uu ku qanci waayo dhinacii kale.

XAQA UU QOFKU U LEEYAHAY INUU ARAGTIDIISA AMA DAREENKIISA KU MUUJIYO BANNAAN-BAX IYO KULAN GUUD.

Xaqa uu qofku ama ay bulshadu u leedahay inay dareenkeeda iyo aragtideedu cabbirto maaha mid ku kooban uun hadal ama qoraal lagu Baahiyo jaraa’idka. Balse waa mid ballaadhan oo damaanad qaadaya siyaabo kale duwan oo qofku u cabbiri karo waxyaabaha ka dhex-guuxaya,isla markaana uu dadka kale ugu soo gudbin karo dareenkiisa (communication). Siyaabahan oo noqon kara, shaqo-joojin (shoobarayn la is-hortubo albabka shaqada), qaybin farriimo qoraal ah (leafleting), saxeex ururin iwm.

Samaynta Kulan-wadareed guud ayaa isna hab lagu gudbin karo fariin ama aragti ay laba qof iyo intii ka badani ka midaysanyihiin. Markaan leeyahay kulan-wadareed oo afka qalaad u dhiganta ereyga (assembly), macnaheedu maaha waxa loo jeedaa uun shirarka lagu qabto dhismayaasha gudahooda,ama goobaha gaarka loo leeyahay[xii], balse waxa ku jira kulamada lagu qabto meelaha danta guud ah ee ay ka midka yihiin garoomada, baarkinadu iyo meel kasta oo bannaan. Kulan-wadareedyadu sidoo kale waxay noqon karaan kuwo aan ku koobnayn meel-qudha, balse socda (moving assemblies), sida iyadoo jidadka socod lagu maro, ama gaadiid kolonyo ah, iwm.

Sidoo kale wuxuu qof kastaaba xaq u leeyahay in uu si badheedh ah oo cad uga hadlo, waxna uga qoro, arrinkasta ama cidkasta oo xad-gudub ku ah xaqa uu qofku u leeyahay in uu si salmi ah u muujin-karo aragtidiisa. Taasi oo aanay ka madhnayn xaq uu u qofku ku dalban karo isu-soobax guud ama ay bulshaduba ku samayn karto mudaharaad si nabadgalyo ah loo abaabulay.

Hadaba Sida aan hore usoo sheegnay xorriyada lagu muujinayo dareenka iyo aragtiduba maaha mid daba-furan ah. ama maaha xorriyad aynu adeegsan karno sida aynu doono. Tusaale ahaan, saqda dhexe ee habeenimo isu-soo-bax kuma qaban karno cusbitaal caafimaad hortiisa. Sidaas darteed waxay xukuumadu xaq u leedahay inay inaga maanacdo jidad gaar ah ama xilliyo gaar ah iyo siyaabo gaar ah oo aynu dareenkeena u gudbino, haddii ay u aragto inay jiraan sababo macquul ah oo qasbaya qaadashada tallaabooyinkaasi.

Wax sidoo kale ka mamnuuca qofka inuu gudbiyo farriimo xambaarsan waxyaabaha uu sharcigu diiday ee aynu sare kusoo xusnay, sida waxyaabo xambaarsan (anshax-xumo, colaad-hurin, aflagaado diineed, iyo wax kastoo oo wax u dhimi kara xasilloonida guud). Waxana ka reeban isu-soo-baxyada noocay doonaanba ha noqdaane, kuwo dadka ka qayb qaadanayaa ay ku hubaysanyihiin wax kasto waxyeello jidheed ama hantiyeed gaysan kara, sida budad, bakoorado, qasabado, litiro-quraarado ah, iyo hubka qaraxa lehba.

Bannaanbaxyadana waxa laga soo saari karaa xeerar xakamaynaya[xiii], iyadoo markastaba la iska dhawrayo in gabi ahaanba meesha laga saaro xuquuqdaasi. Waxaana waajib in siyaabaha lagu xakamaynayaa ay noqdaan:

• Qaar xeer qeexay.
• Qaar ay xakamayntoodu u dhiganto cawaaqibka laga hortagayo saamayntooda[xiv].
• Qaar ilaalinaya xasilloonida iyo ammaanka guud ee qaranka.
• Qaar lagaga hortagayo rabshado, qalalaase guud iyo fal-dambiyeedyo horleh.
• Qaar lagu dhawrayo caafimaadka iyo anshaxa guud.
• Qaar lagu ilaalinayo xuquuqaha iyo xorriyaadka dadka kale.

Miyaad markastaba u baahantahay ruqsad si aad u samayso bannaan-bax?

Haddii uu bannaan-baxu yahay mid aan carqalad ku ahayn isu socodkii gaadiidka iyo dadkii kale ee lugta ahaaba,uma baahna wax ogolaanshaha.Waxaanu noqonayaa bannaan-baxa ama mudaharaadka uu damaanad qaaday dastuurku, xaqqaasi  oo aanu xeerkale burin karin.Sida iyadoo bannaanbaxayaashu wada dhinacadeeda u maraan si nidaamsan oo aan Saxmad iyo culays badan ku abuurin jidadka. Waxaanad sidoo kale dadka wada maraya ama gaadiidka wata aad u qaybin kartaa farriimo qoraal ah oo xambaarsan aragtidaada iyo fikirkaaga. Markuu qofku hawshan qoraal-qaybinta ku jirana waa  in uu iska ilaaliya, inuu xannibo kadimada laga galo dhismayaasha ama in uu dadka si jujuub ah ugu dhiibo farriintiisa.

Xukuumadu miyay awood u leedahay inay sii ogaato nuxurka ay farriintaan gudbinayaa xambaarsanaan doonto?

Jawaabtu waa maya, sida ayna xukuumadu awood ugu lahayn inay faaf-reeb ugu samayso aragtiyaha lagu faafinayo saxaafada madaxa-banaan, ayayna xaq ugu lahayn inay sii ogaato waxaan ka odhan doono fagaaraha ama aan ku qori doono boodhadhka aan la bannaan-baxayo. Haddii se laga tagi waayo waxa si guud loogu sii wargalin karaa ujeedada guud ee bannaanbaxa loo qaban doono.

Balse waxa u furan inay kadib markay ogaato fariimaha aragtiyeed ay ka daba tagto wixii ay u aragto inay ka soo horjeedaan sharciga.

Garyaqaan, Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul.
waddi12@gmail.com

Tixraac:

_____________

[i] Qodobka 32aad Dastuurka Somaliland.

[ii] Qodobka 29aad ee Baaqa Caalamiga ah ee Xuquuqda Adamaha(UDHRs),qodobkani oo dhigaya inuu qofkasta waajib ka saaranyahay xaqdhawrka bulshada uu la noolyahay. Iyo inuu xuquuqdiisa iyo madax-banaanidiisa gaarka u adeegsado,isagoon ka tallaabsanayn xadadka loo sameeyay iyo xeerarka loogu talogalay ilaalinta nabadgalyada,damiirka iyo anshaxa guud ee bulshado,xeerarkaasi oo aqoosan Xuquuqda iyo Xorriyaadka gaarka ee qofka.

Xorriyaadka iyo xuquuqaha shaqsiyeed sidoo kale looma adeegsan si ka soo horjeeda Mabadi’da UN-ta.

[iii] Qodobka 30aad ee Baaqa Caalamiga ah ee Xuquuqda aadamaha (UDHRs). Kaasi oo leh dawlad,koox ama shaqsina uma fasiran karo,amba ma qaadi karo tallaabo kasta oo burinaysa jiritaanka Xuquuqaha iyo Xorriyaadka ku xusan Baaqan,

Xeerarka lagu xakamaynayo Xuquuqaha iyo Xorriyaadka Adamuhu,waa inay noqan qaar lagu sii talax-tagay ama meeshaba ka saaraya. Balse waa in la qiimeeyaa bal in xakamaynta ay xukuumadi kusoo rogtay Xuquuqaha iyo Xorriyaadka shaqsiyeed ay tahay mid u dhiganta ujeedadii laga lahaa,amaba cawaaqibkii la diidana (proportionality).Qodobka 29aad ee baaqa Caalamiga ahi, sidoo kale wuxuu arrintan isku dheelitirka u xilsaaray Garsoorka,kaasi oo awood u leh in uu go’aan ka gaadhista meelaha ay Xeerarka iyo Xuquuqaha aadmigu iska khilaafaan.
[iv] Xeerka saxaafada Somaliland ayaa ka hadlaya qaabka loo tabinayo wararka la  xidhiidha faldabiyeedyada galmada,kuwaasi oo laga raba in la qariyo magaca dhibanaayashan fal-dambiyeedyadani,soda caruurta la fara-xumeeyay, Kufsiga. Iwm.eeg qodobka 24aad.

[v] Qodobka 10aad (4) ee Xeerka Saxaafada law no 25ad

Qodobka 23aad ee isla xeerkaas
[vi] Qodobka 10(5)aad ee Xeerka Saxaafada law no 25

[vii] Qodobka 11aad (3)Xeerka Nabadgalyada iyo Anshaxa Guud,xeer Lr 51/2012. Qodobkan oo odhanaya” waxa reeban isku imaatin kasta oo diineed oo looga danleeyahay,kicin dadweyne,naqdin,ama faafin afkaar diineed oo ay cidi ujeedo gaar ah ka leedahay,ama sababi karta iska horimaad”

[viii] Cohen,Henry,freedom of speech. Oct,2009.https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/95-815

[ix] “Privilege material” waa qoraalada dhawrsan, sida kuwa Maxkamadaha,doodaha baarlamanka,warbixinaha gudiyada baadhitaan ee si rasmi ah u daabacan. Kuwaas oo haddi ay run yihiin amaba been yihiin aan sharci ahaan loo raaci karin faafiyaha iyo cidduu uu kasoo baxayba.

[x] Cohen,Henry,freedom of speech. Oct,2009.https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/95-815

[xi] http://www.thehoot.org/web/home/cyber2.php?cid=51&sid=6284

[xii] Xeerka Ilaalinta anshaxa iyo nabadgalyada guud,xeer lr 51/2011, qodobkiisa 10aad (2aad), waxay shir-gaar ah ku qeexday shirarka ay goobahooda ku qabsadaan,ururada siyaasada,kuwa aan siyaasiga ahayn iyo axsaabta la aqoonsanyahay xarumahooda,haddii aanay isku rogin qaab shirweyne,amba kaambayn degmo ama qaran.

[xiii] Waxay Somaliland kasoo saartay XEERKA ILAALINTA ANSHAX IYO NABADGALYADA GUUD, xeer lr 51/2011.

[xiv] Xukun ciqaabeedka ugu badan ee qofka u hogaansami waaya amarka ciidamada nabadgalyada eek ala kaxaynay mudaharaadadu waa 3 bilood illaa 6bilood,haddii aanu dhicin dambi culuse.Eeg qodobka 14aad ee Xeerka Anshaxa iyo Nabadgalyada Guud.