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| Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul. |
Written by: Advocate
Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul.
As the Somaliland Foreign
affairs take different course which is more different from the conservative and
rigid approach of the previous administrations, namely Egal and Riyale
governments, there is a strong backlash of skeptics and unanswered questions relating
to the current trends. Most of these concerns are far deeper than the critics
of the political rivals and its interested commentators but extended to the
public at large. We see the Ministry of foreign affairs playing active role
rather than reserving its conservative position or being responsive to the
baseless claims of Mogadisho administrations. Recent overseas activities of
Silanyo administration are strange to our political conduct. The political
membrane that keeps power-hungry local politicians from getting involved in the Federal-building projects is worn thinner and thinner now. The Legal restriction that were imposed from Somaliland natives to hold political positions or participate
in Somalia-related arrangements were officially lifted. Photographs of Federal President and
Somaliland President standing side by side was first time published. Convicted
Pirates (descended From the South) were shipped to Somaliland detention facilities as it is their homeland. The
control of our airspace seems to be merged with the Federal air under the
current agreements. So, where
are we going from here?
In the practical sense,
we have to acknowledge that steps were taken to the right side and stop blaming
the unfriendly gestures of the foreign faces to our diplomatic agents, who bore
such embarrassments for the sake of our nation. It is very hard for us to know
where we are standing, unless we examine the procedures and tools employed for
the theoretical judgments relating to the conducts of our government, when its officers are beyond the
borders of the state. If there are no yet well-accepted standards or
parameters, we are bound to find ourselves in the maze of contradicting
arguments or confuse with the waves baseless critics from the media and the
street cafes.
In the face of the
politically manipulated reactions, the incumbent authority is forced to be more
defensive rather than illustrative. As the echo of the political challenges
gets higher, we find our government drifting away from the pragmatic context of
its interfaces with the foreign states. It always happen when the protocol arrangements, red carpets and the background of
Somaliland Flag are construed as the theme of diplomatic breakthrough claimed
by the ruling government. This hollow argument tends to be one of the
persuasive tactics used by the government to cool down the ensuing heat of the
internal grumbles.
Returning to the current
headlines of our interaction with the outside world, now, we should refresh the
way we are looking at things. Because, Silanyo is the captain of the boat this
time. He raised and spread up the sail, expecting speedy winds that could push
us to our destination. He is impatient with the snail-moving foreign affairs of
his predecessors. Accordingly, he blew the awakening whistle to line-up his
crew for the diplomatic adventures that lies ahead. His administration seems to
be more adamant in reforming our foreign affairs without conceding to the
opposite calls of the conservative politicians. Former Foreign Minister
reiterated the need for a diplomatic change, and attacked the avoidance policy
and the non-participative approach of the previous governments. For him, the
process of our foreign conduct in Riyale’s administration was more idealistic
rather than realistic. Somaliland foreign policy was purportedly obsolete and incompatible with
the dramatic regional and international trends, particularly to the situations
that could have substantial effects on our geopolitical and social aspects. To put a new complexion on statecraft, Somaliland government, now, prepares itself to become one of the
active players in the regional policies and transactions.
Following to the
initiative of reformists, Somaliland put itself in the frontline of the
world-wide battles against the piracy. We signed bilateral agreements
concerning the transfer of convicted Somali pirates with Seychelles. Though Riyale’s government was more reluctant or one could say
it had taken strong position against the idea of hosting inmates shipped from
another country due to security concerns or labeling such transaction as
unfavorable to our national interest. Somaliland is for the Somaliland pirates
not for Somalia was the rhetoric of their political discourse.
The national conference
announced by independent politicians (The Forum of Consultation and National
Guidance) is not the solution, because things are not worse to that extent.
Although our headlights are dim as the shrouding fog that we are going through
is getting thicker, we still have some reasons to be optimistic. The government
still has some confidence and time to review it decisions. Yes, personally we
appreciated your concerns over the future of Somaliland, about our dialogue
with Somalia, and the potential uncertainties that need to be inclusively
studied under far-sighted discussions participated by wide spectrum of
politicians and civil society groups. But being admired with your views does
not mean, you have a right to wear the shirt of the elected government.
Somaliland’s relations
with outside world should not be determined by occasional meetings held in
London or Rome nor the men appointed to run Ministry Of foreign affairs. Our
reciprocal intercourses, relations and mutual interests with a given state
should be directed by a formal policy. A written policy document which has
legitimacy through parliamentary enactment is indispensable for the future of
diplomatic engagements. Without policy, we will not have any idea on what our
government is doing, and where we are standing in the face of dynamic global
and regional trends. It is the policy that defines the roles of the government,
of the political parties, civil societies and Diaspora in lobbing for
Somaliland Recognition.
In the absence of Formal
policy, there are other instruments that determine the limits of our foreign
conducts. All activities and agreements are to be measured through testing
indicators that will determine their conformity to our national principles,
their benefits to our geopolitical interests as well as our aspiration to
international recognition; Somaliland Constitution is the source of legitimacy
that defines the accuracy of the decisions and intercourses of our foreign
officials. To hold the government accountable, transparency and parliamentary
oversight is also paramount.
As we find ourselves in
the middle of a dramatic diplomatic engagements led by the international
community, our government should not underestimate the weights of the ongoing
talks we have with Somalia. We are in the first step of a long, thorny process
that is stretched far behind the term of Silanyo administration. Now,
Somaliland government chose to be out of its shell, after more than two
decades. This means we have more guts to put our entity as a separate State in
to the test tube of the international politics, while our counterparts continue
denying our historical and factual existence. In my perception, there is long
way to go and Somaliland question though, it is not succeeded to become an internationally
addressed issue; it is not comparatively less complicated than
Israeli-Palestinian dispute. For this reason, we should institutionalize our
negotiations with Somalia by internally addressing major elements that could be
brought on the table and forecasting the challenging positions of our rivals in
every dimension of the negotiating process.
These preparatory
engagements will not be possible without establishing structural body equipped
with all affordable means necessary for the fulfillment of this cumbersome
mandate. An institution that will embark long-term strategic perceptions that
would lead our negotiating positions in the cycles of our talks is the first
things first. The office will do systematic and practical researches steered by
concerned experts who are able to foresee the best alternatives if things turn
in to upside-down. Politically non-partisan and technically selected
experts ranging from historians, legal scholars, individuals with the knowledge
of international relations should be assigned to undertake such massive task
rather than leaving the entire job to easy-come-easy-going politically
appointees.
Calling the negotiating
members or putting things together within two or three days before scheduled
date of the meetings will not take us anywhere. It is evident that members of
the negotiating envoy are not structurally cohesive, cooperative or they are
poorly organized when they return to the country due to their bureaucratic
divisions within government. Everyone has a load of awaiting works in his
office, thus none of them would have a time to review the effects of the
previous discussions or anticipate the possibilities of the upcoming phases.
Avenue for the meetings
should also be taken into consideration. The influence of the hosting states
and its international status are one of the core elements that determine the
prospects of the negotiating process. For instance, one can question what we
can expect from Turkey, as the hosting state of Somaliland and Somalia summit.
It is a diplomatically isolated when it comes to international arena, as well
as, regionally non-active state. Furthermore, Turkey is not supposed to
appreciate our separatist approach, due to the fear of the separatist PKK
movement. Arabs are not expected to contribute much, because they are
susceptible to the directions of Egyptian foreign policies, which since Soodare
conference or for the purpose of its strategic regional preferences chose to
diplomatically and economically isolate Somaliland from the Arab club. Hence,
we should have a say in selection of the states hosting the meeting that could
take place between Somaliland and Somalia. The country should have influential
power and commitment to follow up how the parties are implementing their agreed
terms.
Apart from the
government, Oppositions and independent thinkers have obligations and
responsibilities when we are dealing with foreign entities. In this national
commitment, they should not sit on the fence to wait the scores of the game in
order to exploit the potential failures of the government for their own
political interests. They should come up with their ideas and share their
recommendation to the government using all available channels they have. It is
better for them to show their position as an earlier precautionary guidance to
the negotiators, rather than rushing to the critics of the government in a time
we cannot re-adjust our positions.
I would like to conclude
that admitting defeat is sometime worse than ignoring the reality, especially when
your opponents are unaware of the suffering they inflicted to you. So we should
avoid sinking like layer of foam when the outlook of things is getting bleak to
our perceptions. In such like situations, we should stand with the government
and fuel up with our confidence to make it move on till the end line of the
race.
Author's profile;
Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba'alul (LLB).
Political and Legal Researching and Analyzing.
Political and Legal Researching and Analyzing.
University of Hargiesa, Faculty of Law.
Lives in Hargeisa, Somaliland.
contact; waddi12@gmail.com.
+ 252 63 44 88 011.
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